Ahmed Lagha, auteur/autrice sur mdi-international

Morocco’s Generation Z 212: A New Echo of the Arab Spring

Ahmed Lagha — Thu, 27 Nov 2025 21:21:39 +0000

On December 17, 2010, the Tunisian Revolution began when a young street vendor, Mohamed Bouazizi, set himself on fire after being humiliated by the municipal police of Sidi Bouzid.

The popular uprisings that followed his self-immolation marked the starting point of the Arab Spring, inspiring widespread protest movements across the Maghreb and the broader Arab world.

In Morocco, the monarchy managed to anticipate, absorb, and neutralize the unrest while preserving its image as the nation’s stabilizing arbiter.

However, today, with the rise of the “Generation Z 212” movement, some analysts see what they describe as a delayed spark of the Arab Spring: a new form of revolt, without leaders or political parties, expressing a similar frustration—this time in the digital age.

Since late September 2025, Morocco has been experiencing an unprecedented wave of protests driven by young people determined to make their voices heard. In several cities—Rabat, Casablanca, Tangier, Marrakech, and Agadir—thousands of youths gather to demand dignity, social justice, and better living conditions. Born out of a tragedy at the Agadir hospital, where several women lost their lives during childbirth, the movement has evolved into a collective cry against inequalities that have become unbearable.

This generation, nicknamed “Generation Z 212,” organizes itself without leaders or parties: everything happens online, through Discord or TikTok, where decisions are made collectively. The digital sphere is no longer just a space for expression but a real political arena and a shared space of consciousness.

Their demands are clear: access to education and healthcare, the fight against corruption, public transparency, and a reorientation of national priorities. Many denounce the contrast between massive investments in sports infrastructure ahead of the 2030 World Cup and the deterioration of public services.

But beyond immediate demands, it is a quest for dignity that drives these young people. They are fighting not only for jobs but for recognition and social justice. Despite arrests and moments of tension, the movement’s maturity and its ability to remain peaceful command respect.

What is happening in Morocco today goes beyond a national protest: it signals the emergence of an Arab and African youth that refuses silence, invents new forms of participation, and redefines the relationship between the governed and the governing.

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A nation drained: The alarming rise of Tunisian migration among youth

Ahmed Lagha — Mon, 27 Oct 2025 21:13:00 +0000

More than 150,000 Tunisians have left their country over the past five years (2019–2024) to settle abroad. This figure is almost double the number of departures recorded during the 2009–2014 period.

In 2022, 1,816,833 Tunisians—representing 15.4% of the population—were registered as TRE (Tunisians Residing Abroad), which amounts to roughly one out of every seven citizens.

The conclusion is clear: Tunisian migration has intensified over the past decade, especially among young people. A genuine brain drain is underway, and engineering and medicine—sectors in high demand worldwide—are the most affected by this outward migration.

According to an official statement by the Dean of Tunisian Engineers, Kamel Sahnoun, in 2025, 39,000 engineers out of 90,000 registered with the Order of Engineers have left Tunisia to settle abroad. The country trains approximately 8,000 engineers each year, and on average, 20 engineers emigrate every day, further worsening the shortage of qualified labor in several key sectors.

Even more alarming, in 2025, out of a graduating class of 1,900 Tunisian doctors, 1,600 left Tunisia to work abroad.

The Tunisian brain drain reveals a deep imbalance between the country’s human potential and its national ability to retain and utilize it.

Tunisia invests substantially in training its engineers, doctors, and researchers, but the benefits of this investment materialize abroad, in countries that are better equipped to absorb and value this talent.

According to the International Organization for Migration (IOM – UN Migration), the majority of young Tunisians who emigrate cite as their main motivations: lack of professional opportunities, low salaries, and limited career prospects.

For example, Tunisia is now the leading provider of foreign doctors in France, after Morocco. And without significant economic and social improvements, these numbers are likely to rise in the future.

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Maghreb on Edge: Are North African Relations Beyond Repair?

Ahmed Lagha — Fri, 27 Jun 2025 20:40:00 +0000

Are relations between the countries of the Maghreb, or more broadly North Africa, doomed to failure? Was the AMU (Arab Maghreb Union) nipped in the bud, despite the good intentions of its founders?

In recent weeks, the heated news from the Maghreb, Africa and the Near and Middle East has only added fuel to the fire, if we consider the political relations between the different countries that make up North Africa.

In the Maghreb, since my previous article on Tunisia’s perspective on the Sahara territorial conflict, diplomatic relations between Tunisia and Morocco have deteriorated significantly.

In a bombshell development, it is rumoured that at the end of the Eid al-Fitr celebrations, a telephone call took place between Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune and Tunisian President Kaïs Saïed, during which the transfer to Tunisia of certain Polisario Front figures currently living in camps in western Algeria was discussed. The Algerian government’s objective is to avoid any accusations of supporting terrorism, particularly since Algeria was placed on the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) grey list.

Such allegations do not reflect the words of our late President Habib Bourguiba, father of the Tunisian nation, who advocated Tunisia’s positive neutrality in the territorial conflict between Algiers and Rabat, Algeria and Morocco. During the 1970s, Tunis adopted a conciliatory stance between the two countries, promoting the idea of neutrality to each of the belligerents and external forces involved.

Indeed, it should be remembered that the different international positions in support of Moroccan or independent Sahara (Algeria’s position) only add fuel to the fire and reinforce tensions between the two neighbouring countries.

Recent events have brought Tunisia face to face with a problematic chapter in its diplomatic history with Morocco, which sees this history as a blow to relations between the two countries as a whole.

We should also recall the fraternal words of King Hassan II in March 1980, in the aftermath of the events in Gafsa, Tunisia, where armed action was orchestrated at the time by Libya and Algeria to bring down the Tunisian regime:

‘Tunisia will never be destabilised because it is first and foremost a people, and you cannot destabilise a people […] But to erase the subconscious and conscious mind of the Tunisian people (…) you would need an atomic bomb to wipe it off the map completely.’

Finally, Tunisians, Algerians, Libyans and Moroccans have embarked on a bus journey from Tunis to Cairo to stage a protest march against the Israeli government: ultimately, the Maghreb may not be as distant as we really think, except for Cairo’s desire to raise the question of North African hegemony…

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Morocco and the Reform of the Moudawana

Ahmed Lagha — Sat, 04 Jan 2025 20:56:00 +0000

The Moudawana, or Moroccan Personal Status Code, is a set of laws governing personal status issues, including marriage, divorce, child custody, inheritance, and family relations in Morocco. Playing a central role in regulating the rights and duties of family members, it was first adopted in 1957/58, following Morocco’s independence.

The Moudawana long reflected a traditional and patriarchal vision of society. However, growing criticism over gender inequality and insufficient protection of women’s rights led to a major revision in 2004, spearheaded by King Mohammed VI, who aimed to safeguard women’s rights while respecting Islamic principles.

The 2004 reform introduced key changes: equality between spouses, raising the legal marriage age from 15 to 18, stricter regulation of polygamy, allowing women to file for divorce under specific circumstances, and reforms in child custody and inheritance.

In late 2024, another revision to the Moudawana brought additional reforms: Moroccan women can now be legal guardians of their children (retaining custody even after remarriage), couples can divorce amicably without court intervention, and wives can prohibit polygamy at the time of marriage.

However, the lack of parity in inheritance laws remains a critical issue, mirroring the situation in Tunisia and serving as a significant obstacle to progressive societal evolution in North Africa.

In Tunisia, for instance, former President Beji Caid Essebsi proposed a historic reform in 2018 to establish gender equality in inheritance. This initiative was part of his broader project to modernize women’s rights and aligned with Tunisia’s progressive legacy in gender equality. Yet, discussions around these legislative proposals remain unresolved.

The fight for more progressive North African societies is far from over, but the efforts made in our time are far from insignificant.

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Presentation of the book “Echoes of Tunisia: Populism, Transition, and Hopes for Democracy”

Ahmed Lagha — Fri, 06 Dec 2024 01:10:06 +0000

with Ghazi Ben Ahmed, Scientific Collaborator at OMAM and President of the Mediterranean Development Initiative (MDI)

The book by Ghazi Ben Ahmed, “Echoes of Tunisia: Populism, Transition, and Hopes for Democracy,” offers a powerful analysis of the political and socio-economic crisis in Tunisia, exploring its origins and its repercussions on Europe. As the populist president Kais Saied strengthens his authoritarian power, this situation extends far beyond Tunisia’s borders, leading to an intensification of migration flows to Europe and fueling populist and far-right rhetoric.

The book also highlights the critical role of European policies, particularly Italian ones, in consolidating this authoritarian regime, an issue made even more crucial with the arrival of a new European executive. It also emphasizes the lack of a long-term vision from the European Union for Tunisia, as well as the recycling of existing policies, which often limit the potential of relations between the two shores.

By revealing these interconnections, this book invites readers to reflect on the future of Euro-Mediterranean relations and the impact of these political choices on the stability of Europe and its southern neighborhood. It thus hopes to inspire a better understanding and enhanced cooperation between Tunisia and the European Union, for the mutual benefit of all parties involved.

Ghazi Ben Ahmed’s book “Echoes of Tunisia: Populism, Transition, and Hopes for Democracy” helps to understand the impact of events in Tunisia on the European continent and underscores the urgency of adopting a more comprehensive and nuanced view of the shared challenges between the North and the South.

Ghazi Ben Ahmed holds a PhD in economics from the University of Montpellier I. He leads the think tank Mediterranean Development Initiative (MDI) based in Tunis and Brussels. He is a scientific collaborator at the Observatory of Arab and Muslim Worlds (OMAM/ULB). He is the author of a recently published book by Éditions l’Harmattan (“Echoes of Tunisia: Populism, Transition, and Hopes for Democracy”). His research interests mainly focus on Euro-Mediterranean relations, ALECA agreements, migration agreements, European cooperation, and the rise of far-right movements in Europe.

Wednesday, December 11th, from 12 PM to 2 PM

Commission Room
ULB – Building DE1 – Level 4 – Room R.4.110
Avenue Antoine Depage 1
1000 Brussels

Registration is recommended via jihane.sfeir@ulb.be

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Transactionally Yours: The EU and Tunisia Confront Their Own Contradictions

Ahmed Lagha — Sun, 17 Nov 2024 19:32:17 +0000

October 29-30, 2024, will mark the resumption of negotiations between Tunisia and the European Union, represented by the Directorate-General for Neighbourhood and Enlargement Negotiations (DG Near, managing the Tunisia dossier and holding the purse strings) and the European External Action Service (EEAS, responsible for policy direction). This meeting in Tunis, the first during Kaïs Saïed’s second term, aims to discuss the details of implementing the migration memorandum signed on July 16, 2023.

To better grasp the stakes of this meeting, it is crucial to demystify the narratives underlying EU-Tunisia relations. On one side, the EU justifies its transactional strategy as an effort to stabilize Tunisia and prevent it from pivoting toward geopolitical adversaries like Russia and China (implicitly due to a lack of European cooperation). On the other, Tunisian President Kaïs Saïed portrays himself to supporters as a staunch defender of national sovereignty, publicly rejecting the role of Europe’s “coastguard” while discreetly cooperating at a minimal level with European entities like Frontex to stop migrants from heading to Europe, rescue them at sea, and facilitate their repatriation.

However, this limited cooperation does not satisfy the Europeans, who are desperately seeking to intensify collaboration by proposing the establishment of readmission hubs with their partners. A growing idea is the creation of dedicated return centers outside the Schengen area, in third countries. For the EU27, the objective is clear: accelerate deportations at any cost, with little regard for ethical concerns. This tightening of readmission mechanisms reflects Europe’s frenzy to strengthen its migration policies, increasingly outsourcing management to partner countries like Tunisia, now central to this strategy.

In Tunisia’s current context, marked by a severe economic crisis, this initiative could represent an opportunity to replenish the country’s desperately empty state coffers. The critical question is: how far can Kaïs Saïed maintain his sovereignty rhetoric in the face of European demands? Will he be forced to accept transactional compromises to save the country’s economy? This question is even more pressing for the Europeans as it arises against the backdrop of recent failures in British and Italian projects to outsource asylum-seeker management to Rwanda and Albania, respectively.

Nevertheless, this transactional approach carries significant risks. By supporting an increasingly authoritarian regime, the EU risks complicity in human rights abuses intensifying under Saïed’s presidency, thereby undermining its own legitimacy as a defender of democratic values.

Faced with an authoritarian drift in Tunisia, the EU treads an increasingly unsustainable tightrope, oscillating between a minimal facade of respect for democratic principles and the need to maintain functional relations with a key partner in security and migration management. This precarious stance is further strained by investigations, such as those by The Guardian, alleging severe abuses by EU-funded Tunisian security forces, including sexual violence and flagrant human rights violations against migrants (officially denied by Tunisia). Pressure is mounting for Brussels to account for its knowledge of these abuses and outline corrective measures, even as EU funds continue to support this repressive regime. Moreover, DG Near reportedly anticipated such abuses in an internal note that was later buried.

Transactionally Yours: A Bluffing Game

Ultimately, the fate of these negotiations will depend on Kaïs Saïed’s ability to balance his political ambitions with Tunisia’s immediate needs, particularly securing direct budgetary support and an EU loan without IMF conditions, as promised by Giorgia Meloni. Having already accepted the role of Europe’s border guard during the Memorandum’s signing in July 2023, Saïed is likely to go even further this time, buying time to secure financial relief while advancing his rapprochement with the BRICS, particularly Russia. Migration, the sole remaining link between Saïed and a Europe he constantly criticizes, once again becomes the linchpin of a compromise, muting his anti-Western rhetoric and defiance of perceived diktats.

Meanwhile, Europe, consumed by the urgency of migration challenges, seems ready to abandon a core pillar of the 1957 Treaty of Rome, which initiated development cooperation, and current treaties such as the Treaty on European Union (Article 21) and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (Article 208). These treaties define principles aimed at reducing poverty and promoting sustainable development. The cooperation budget is now redirected toward a securitized and repressive day-to-day management of migration. This philosophical shift is aptly summarized by a tweet from French Minister for European Affairs Benjamin Haddad on October 24, 2024: “Time for realism. Europe must stop seeing itself as a vast market or an NGO defending universal values and instead think of itself as a political entity with its own economic and security interests.”

However, reducing Europe solely to economic and security realism forgets that its strength lies in the balance between market, security, and universal values. If Europe abandons its defense of human rights and solidarity principles, it will lose not only its soul but also the influence that allows it to build partnerships based on trust and respect. Viewing Europe merely as a cold political entity risks a reductive vision, distancing it from what has made it successful and differentiates it from countries like Putin’s Russia.

Ultimately, these negotiations resemble a high-stakes poker game where both sides strategically advance their interests, concealing true intentions behind official statements. Europe, fixated on managing migration and driven by pressure amplified by far-right parties exploiting the issue for political gain, and Tunisia, economically strangled, are engaged in a game where pragmatic interests outweigh declared principles. Alarmist rhetoric about migrants primarily serves domestic political objectives, distracting from real issues and reinforcing a transactional approach at the expense of democratic values and human rights. Behind the facade of cooperation, power dynamics and economic survival dictate the actions of both parties, far from the proclaimed ideals of sovereignty and democratic values.

This article was posted and translated by Ahmed Lagha but was originally written by Maxence Vanhille for the Tunisian digital newspaper Business News in French.

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The Repayment of Tunisia’s Debt: A Never-Ending Trap?

Ahmed Lagha — Wed, 28 Aug 2024 14:02:17 +0000

“I say it loud and clear to the entire world: we will bow only before Almighty God. In the Quran, there is no surah named after the International Monetary Fund!” This is how Tunisian President Kaïs Saïed expressed his vision of a sovereign and independent Tunisia during a visit to Redeyef, near the Algerian border.

However, these words are out of step with reality. While the president portrayed himself as a defender of a self-sufficient Tunisia, his ministers were busy seeking loans from foreign banks and countries to secure vital funds for an economy on the brink of collapse.

These loans, although necessary, have led to drastic economic reforms that have resulted in significant food shortages and fueled popular discontent. The first measure was the removal of subsidies on basic food products, a decision that caused shortages, particularly of durum wheat, soft wheat, and vegetable oils, and led to a 64% drop in the trade balance in November 2023. These subsidies, established during Bourguiba’s era, were abruptly ended without proper preparation, exacerbating the situation.

Even though Tunisia no longer relies on the IMF, it has taken out loans from countries across three continents. In this way, it borrowed €810.5 million from Europe and received $1.62 billion from international, African, Arab, and Asian financial institutions over the past two years.

On July 2, 2024, Finance Minister Sihem Namsia announced that Tunisia had repaid all its domestic and foreign debt services for 2023, an amount of approximately $2.7 billion, which the government presented as a success. But this “success” was achieved at the cost of massive borrowing, further worsening the country’s economic and social situation.

Tunisians, facing shortages of basic necessities, endure scenes of endless queues to obtain rice, sugar, or flour. These shortages and the general impoverishment have fueled growing anger.

And now? Inflation remains unchecked, the dinar continues to depreciate against the euro, and economic growth is almost non-existent. Faced with these challenges, it is imperative to find solutions before future generations are left to pay the price for today’s mistakes, often exploited for electoral purposes.

This article was strongly inspired by the story published by the Tunisian media outlet Nawaat on 22 August 2024.

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North Africa’s Solar Ambitions: Successes in Morocco and Egypt, Stalled Progress in Tunisia

Ahmed Lagha — Tue, 13 Aug 2024 06:13:26 +0000

The solar potential of North Africa is exceptional. The most formal proof of this is the realization, in 2016, of the Moroccan solar complex Noor, located in the province of Ouarzazate, in the southeast of the country. Equipped with four technologically different solar power plants and spread over more than 3000 hectares, this solar project aims to increase the share of renewable energy in Morocco’s national electricity mix to more than 52% by 2030. Capable of supplying electricity to more than two million Moroccans, the project has been supported by partners and investors such as the African Development Bank Group, Masen, and the European Union.

On the Egyptian side, it is the Benban Solar Park, located in the Aswan Governorate and commissioned in 2019, that commands admiration! With a maximum capacity of 1650 megawatts peak, the annual production is estimated at 3.8 terawatt-hours. Benban has since become the largest solar installation in the world.

But what is happening on the Tunisian side? Why are the country’s energy ambitions not reaching the goals achieved by its neighbors?

Due to the monopolistic behavior of the Tunisian Electricity and Gas Company (STEG), disagreements between investors, partners, authorities, and local organizations, large-scale solar projects in southern Tunisia are being canceled over time without reaching agreements.

For now, only two solar power plant projects (the Tozeur photovoltaic plant and the Tataouine plant) are operational, but their energy production is not enough to meet the country’s annual energy ambitions.

Indeed, the recent news of the cancellation of a solar power plant project in the city of Gafsa is not a good sign. At odds with the Tunisian authorities, the Franco-Moroccan consortium ENGIE/NAREVA will not build this plant, due to disagreements over the pricing basis for electricity commercialization. The recent spike in solar panel prices and the prices proposed by the Tunisian authorities have made the project unprofitable, according to the same consortium.

Furthermore, other information has reached us that Scatec, the Norwegian energy company entrusted with the construction of another solar power plant project in Tataouine, is finally abandoning the project. The company no longer believes in the economic viability of the project, given “the economic upheavals, post-COVID inflation, and the increase in interest rates by at least 4%.”

The project has therefore been reassigned to an Emirati competitor, but they cannot start work without the approval of the Tunisian parliament, which has been frozen until the crucial date of the next presidential elections on October 6.

Lagging in the race for sustainable development, Tunisia finds itself stalled due to blockages and disagreements.

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Let’s celebrate World Africa Day!

Ahmed Lagha — Sat, 25 May 2024 20:23:35 +0000

On this World Africa Day, let’s celebrate our continent and its unmatched growth potential! Rich in natural resources, endowed with exceptional biodiversity, and energized by a dynamic youth, Africa remains a fertile ground for opportunity.

However, this growth must be supported by a strong commitment to environmental protection. Our unique ecosystems and biodiversity are treasures we must preserve for future generations. Sustainable management of our natural resources is essential to ensure harmonious and respectful development of our planet.

By investing in green technologies, promoting sustainable agricultural practices, and strengthening our conservation policies, we can build a future where prosperity and environmental protection go hand in hand. Together, let’s care for our land, celebrate our riches, and work towards a future where Africa shines as an example of balanced and sustainable growth.

From North Africa to Central and South, let’s celebrate our continent, the cradle of humanity, as it deserves!

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Reviving History: the tech-driven innovations of Historiar

Ahmed Lagha — Fri, 17 May 2024 14:17:05 +0000

Technology at the Service of History and Archaeology. To revolutionize the tourist experience through AI and virtual reality, Tunisian entrepreneur Houda Bakir brings archaeological sites back to life with her startup Historiar. Picture yourself strolling through the ruins of Carthage, immersed in the ambiance of the ancient Phoenician city through immersive technology.

That’s what Historiar offers, a pioneering company in the use of artificial intelligence (AI) and virtual reality to reconstruct historical sites.

Driven by a passion for new technologies and innovation, Houda embarked on her entrepreneurial journey by leveraging her expertise in AI and VR to create unique immersive experiences. Her company, Historiar, has developed automated solutions to recreate archaeological sites in Tunisia, offering visitors an educational and entertaining experience.

But Historiar‘s impact extends beyond the tourist sphere. By using AI to accelerate the process of site reconstruction, Houda demonstrates the potential of this technology to revolutionize the archaeology sector and preserve our cultural heritage in innovative ways.

Through partnerships with sites in Europe and Orange Fab’s acceleration program, Historiar is poised to expand its influence internationally, offering a global audience the opportunity to discover history in an interactive and immersive way.

For Houda, AI is not just a tool; it’s an opportunity to rethink how we interact with the past, stimulate curiosity, and inspire enthusiasm for history and culture. Her work perfectly illustrates how technology can serve humanity by enriching our experiences while preserving our heritage for future generations.

At Mediterranean Development Initiative, we support visionaries like Houda Bakir who push the boundaries of innovation to create a world where the past and present meet through harmonious fusion.

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