The popular uprisings that followed his self-immolation marked the starting point of the Arab Spring, inspiring widespread protest movements across the Maghreb and the broader Arab world.

In Morocco, the monarchy managed to anticipate, absorb, and neutralize the unrest while preserving its image as the nation’s stabilizing arbiter.

However, today, with the rise of the “Generation Z 212” movement, some analysts see what they describe as a delayed spark of the Arab Spring: a new form of revolt, without leaders or political parties, expressing a similar frustration—this time in the digital age.

Since late September 2025, Morocco has been experiencing an unprecedented wave of protests driven by young people determined to make their voices heard. In several cities—Rabat, Casablanca, Tangier, Marrakech, and Agadir—thousands of youths gather to demand dignity, social justice, and better living conditions. Born out of a tragedy at the Agadir hospital, where several women lost their lives during childbirth, the movement has evolved into a collective cry against inequalities that have become unbearable.

This generation, nicknamed “Generation Z 212,” organizes itself without leaders or parties: everything happens online, through Discord or TikTok, where decisions are made collectively. The digital sphere is no longer just a space for expression but a real political arena and a shared space of consciousness.

Their demands are clear: access to education and healthcare, the fight against corruption, public transparency, and a reorientation of national priorities. Many denounce the contrast between massive investments in sports infrastructure ahead of the 2030 World Cup and the deterioration of public services.

But beyond immediate demands, it is a quest for dignity that drives these young people. They are fighting not only for jobs but for recognition and social justice. Despite arrests and moments of tension, the movement’s maturity and its ability to remain peaceful command respect.

What is happening in Morocco today goes beyond a national protest: it signals the emergence of an Arab and African youth that refuses silence, invents new forms of participation, and redefines the relationship between the governed and the governing.

Ahmed Lagha

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L’article Morocco’s Generation Z 212: A New Echo of the Arab Spring est apparu en premier sur mdi-international.

In 2022, 1,816,833 Tunisians—representing 15.4% of the population—were registered as TRE (Tunisians Residing Abroad), which amounts to roughly one out of every seven citizens.

The conclusion is clear: Tunisian migration has intensified over the past decade, especially among young people. A genuine brain drain is underway, and engineering and medicine—sectors in high demand worldwide—are the most affected by this outward migration.

According to an official statement by the Dean of Tunisian Engineers, Kamel Sahnoun, in 2025, 39,000 engineers out of 90,000 registered with the Order of Engineers have left Tunisia to settle abroad. The country trains approximately 8,000 engineers each year, and on average, 20 engineers emigrate every day, further worsening the shortage of qualified labor in several key sectors.

Even more alarming, in 2025, out of a graduating class of 1,900 Tunisian doctors, 1,600 left Tunisia to work abroad.

The Tunisian brain drain reveals a deep imbalance between the country’s human potential and its national ability to retain and utilize it.

Tunisia invests substantially in training its engineers, doctors, and researchers, but the benefits of this investment materialize abroad, in countries that are better equipped to absorb and value this talent.

According to the International Organization for Migration (IOM – UN Migration), the majority of young Tunisians who emigrate cite as their main motivations: lack of professional opportunities, low salaries, and limited career prospects.

For example, Tunisia is now the leading provider of foreign doctors in France, after Morocco. And without significant economic and social improvements, these numbers are likely to rise in the future.

Ahmed Lagha

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Ahmed Lagha

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L’article A nation drained: The alarming rise of Tunisian migration among youth est apparu en premier sur mdi-international.

The Mediterranean Development Initiative (MDI) is proud to announce a groundbreaking partnership with the NYU Urban Lab. This collaboration marks a major step toward transforming Tunisia into a regional hub for healthcare innovation and medical tourism, combining regional insight with global expertise.

At the heart of this initiative is a shared vision: to develop forward-thinking business strategies that support Tunisia’s economic transformation and unlock its full potential.

“Over the next twelve months, we plan to recruit Tunisian experts from MDI to join NYU Urban Lab student researchers and faculty to jointly explore how Tunisia can scale its healthcare ecosystem,” said Professor Matthew Kwatinetz, Director of NYU Urban Lab. “By leveraging NYU’s experience in large-scale urban systems and economic development, from New York to Africa, we aim to co-create pathways for investment, innovation, and inclusive growth in Tunisia’s healthcare sector.”

This strategic collaboration will focus on:
• Designing actionable frameworks for sustainable investment in the healthcare sector,
• Promoting entrepreneurship and modernization in medical services,
• Positioning Tunisia as a gateway for regional healthcare solutions.

“This agreement marks a critical milestone in our mission to reimagine Tunisia’s role in the Mediterranean,” said Ghazi Ben Ahmed, Founder and Executive Director of MDI. “By aligning rigorous research with pragmatic investment strategies, we are building the foundation for a dynamic, open, and resilient Tunisia.”

A Stepping Stone for United States -Tunisia Cooperation :

This initiative also lays the groundwork for expanding U.S. investment in Tunisia, deepening connections with American academic, philanthropic, and financial institutions. By embedding global standards of innovation, transparency, and opportunity creation, MDI aims to foster lasting partnerships that support Tunisia’s long-term development.

The Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between MDI and NYU Urban Lab will pave the way for:
• Joint research programs,
• Inclusive policy dialogues,
• Student and expert exchanges that empower a new generation of Tunisian leaders and entrepreneurs.

An Open Call for Support :

Mediterranean Development Initiative and NYU Urban Lab invite foundations, development agencies, financial institutions, and philanthropic partners to join this ambitious effort. Funding and collaboration opportunities are available for those committed to advancing:
• Sustainable development,
• Healthcare innovation,
• Inclusive economic growth in Tunisia and across the Mediterranean region.

Let’s work together to make Tunisia a model for regional healthcare transformation and a beacon of economic resilience.

Ghazi Ben Ahmed

Founder of MDI

Think tanker, leader; thinker; strategist; maker; communicator. Expert in International trade and regional integration.

Ghazi Ben Ahmed

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L’article Healthcare Hub: A New Strategic Partnership Between MDI and NYU Urban Lab! est apparu en premier sur mdi-international.

The border externalisation strategy promoted by Italy’s Georgia Meloni government represents a political and legal failure, highlighting the contradictions of a hardline rhetoric against irregular immigration. Since coming to power, the government has promised an uncompromising defense of Italy’s borders.

However, this ambition has translated into an attempt to shift the management of migration outside national borders through agreements such as the one signed with Albania. Presented as an innovative solution, this strategy faces significant legal and practical limitations, raising serious questions about its compliance with European and international law while proving ineffective and counterproductive.

The Italy-Albania protocol, signed on 6 November 2023, commits Albania to providing land free of charge for five years, where Italy has built, at its own expense, facilities for the detention of migrants.

These facilities include hotspots for rapid processing and repatriation centers for deportation.

Migrants detained in these centres would be subject to procedures under Italian law: if their asylum requests were approved, they would be transferred to Italy; if denied, they would be deported.

However, if deportation was not possible within 18 months, the migrants would still be returned to Italy.

The protocol explicitly excludes the possibility of migrants remaining in Albania, creating an evident contradiction: either migrants violate the agreement by attempting to escape, or the centre would have the same effect as a facility located in Italy, but with significantly higher costs.

Beyond these operational shortcomings, the protocol raises serious legal issues and lacks adequate guarantees for migrants.

The absence of clear provisions for transportation and compliance with European legal procedures conflicts with standards established by the European Court of Human Rights, as in the Hirsi Jamaa and Others v. Italy case, which prohibits migration procedures without proper legal safeguards.

Furthermore, independent reports have documented discriminatory treatment of asylum seekers in Albania, compounded by often inhumane conditions in detention centres.

This approach, beyond violating fundamental rights, subjects individuals to the trauma of detention, even if they ultimately end up being admitted to Italy.

ECJ ruling throws spanner in the works

The recent ruling by the European Court of Justice has further complicated the Italian government’s position. The court determined that a country can only be considered “safe” if safety is guaranteed uniformly across its entire territory.

This interpretation led the Rome Tribunal to invalidate the detention in Albania of 12 asylum seekers from countries like Bangladesh and Egypt, which do not meet the criteria for being deemed safe.

Judges ordered the transfer of these migrants to Italy, confirming that border externalisation cannot be used as a pretext to circumvent obligations under European law.

While Italy’s externalisation strategy faces mounting challenges, it is worrying to see other European countries showing interest in adopting similar approaches.

The UK, under Labour prime minister Keir Starmer, has expressed keen interest in learning from Meloni’s policies.

During a recent visit to Rome, Starmer praised Italy’s “remarkable progress” in curbing migration flows and combating smuggling networks.

Following a tragic shipwreck in the English Channel, which claimed the lives of eight migrants, Starmer expressed a desire to replicate agreements like those between Italy and Albania to manage migration more effectively.

This marks a significant departure from his previous criticisms of the Conservative government’s controversial Rwanda deportation plan, which he had dismissed as a “costly gimmick.”

While the Rwanda plan was ultimately ruled illegal by British courts, Starmer’s interest in externalisation agreements raises questions about the direction of UK migration policy and its potential alignment with Italy’s contentious model.

This policy also fails to address long-term implications.

The agreement with Albania is limited to five years. What will happen afterward?

Additionally, if EU candidate countries like Albania are pressured to manage part of Europe’s asylum procedures, it becomes difficult to imagine how they could resist increasing demands from the EU, given their reliance on European support for accession processes.

The idea of outsourcing asylum procedures beyond EU borders not only represents a false solution but also risks setting a precedent that other countries — or even the EU itself — could adopt, with high costs and no tangible impact on the structural issues of migration.

The construction of the Gjadër centre cost €60m, and its maintenance generates significant expenses, including for police, prison staff, medical personnel, and other officials.

Even while inactive, the centre continues to incur high operational costs to prevent its deterioration, while the operation of the transfer ship costs approximately €15,000 per day. This expensive policy is not only unsustainable but also proves ineffective in achieving its stated objectives.

Thus, the strategy of border externalisation benefits neither asylum seekers nor the implementing countries nor the transit countries, while severely undermining the fundamental principles of European law.

When will governments finally focus on real solutions, such as equitable distribution among member states and expedited, efficient procedures? Only through respect for human rights and legal norms can the challenges of migration be addressed with seriousness and responsibility.

This article was co-authored by Laila Sahnoune and Ghazi Ben Ahmed, researchers at Mediterranean Development Initiative, a Euro-Mediterranean think tank dedicated to analysing and promoting strategic solutions for sustainable development, regional cooperation and public policy in the Euro-Mediterranean region. The article was published on euobserver.com, an online non-profit news outlet reporting on the European Union.

L’article The legal and moral failings of Meloni’s Albania deportation deal est apparu en premier sur mdi-international.

The visit of Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni to Tunis on Wednesday, April 17th, did not bode well. It was her fourth visit to Tunis, and when adding Kais Saied’s two trips to Rome, it marked the sixth meeting between these two since their Faustian pact. The Italian Prime Minister arrived in Tunis with two of her ministers, including her Interior Minister Matteo Piantedosi, to reaffirm the migratory agreement and halt the arrival of migrants to Lampedusa.

This was an effort to show her voters and critics that her agreement is effective. On the other hand, Kais Saied finds himself in a tight spot. His nationalist/electoralist stance risks crumbling: endorsing Meloni’s demands, acting as her coast guard, accepting the return of migrants who passed through Tunisia and deporting them to the southern Tunisian desert in the Bir Al Fatnassya (1) camp contradicts his previous claims that Tunisia “should not serve as Europe’s border guard or a resettlement land for migrants rejected elsewhere (2).” This would also undermine his nationalist rhetoric ahead of the Tunisian presidential elections (if they take place).

Tunisia, Europe’s Border Guard

Due to its strategic location on the Mediterranean, Tunisia finds itself at the heart of the migratory crisis affecting Europe, particularly Italy. The proximity of Tunisian shores to the Italian island of Lampedusa has made coastal cities like Sfax crucial transit points for migrants seeking to reach Europe. Overcrowded and often unsafe boats regularly depart from Tunisian beaches, leading to a continuous stream of human tragedies and humanitarian crises at sea.

Under mounting pressure from the migratory crisis and with crucial European elections approaching for the Italian Prime Minister, a Faustian pact was struck between Giorgia Meloni and Kais Saied. The agreement aimed to prevent migrants from leaving Tunisian shores for Italy in exchange for European financial aid. Thus, European funds intended to stabilize the Tunisian economy and implement necessary economic reforms were diverted to an opaque migration fund that doesn’t address the root causes of migration.

This pact, which serves Italian interests by reducing the migrant flow to its shores, assigns Tunisia the role of Europe’s border guard, a position often criticized both locally and internationally. While the collaboration provides necessary economic support, it raises questions about Tunisia’s sovereignty and the ethics of European migration management practices.

Creating illusions

In the migration negotiations, Giorgia Meloni and Kais Saied opted for a deliberately vague Memorandum of Understanding, seeking to conceal the specific details of its implementation. This opacity was strategic; Saied preferred to avoid a clear understanding of the agreement, particularly that Tunisia would receive financial compensation for taking on the role of Europe’s border guard and for accepting migrants turned away by Italy. This arrangement allowed Saied to minimize internal criticism, avoiding damaging Tunisia’s sovereignty. Meanwhile, Meloni aimed to buy time and maintain the illusion that she could resolve the migration crisis, a key point on her political agenda. This illusion also captivated European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, who considered using this agreement as a model for future deals with other regional countries, strengthening Europe’s periphery as a barrier against illegal immigration.

Thus, Giorgia Meloni and Kais Saied play a duplicitous game. Neither can truly solve the migration crisis. To do so would require stabilizing the Tunisian economy first, and neither Italy has the time and capacity to do so, nor does Tunisia have the vision and ability. So, they settle for a status quo, trying to extract crumbs from the EU, with migrants being tossed around, sometimes under the olive trees in Sfax, sometimes in makeshift boats to Lampedusa.

Meloni excels at this, turning pumpkins into carriages. A training program becomes a strategic cooperation plan under the Mattei plan, and an invitation to the G7 is a poisoned gift for a leader seeking recognition. We sense the strained effort to impress, whether through jokes (mentioning Laurel and Hardy) or grandiose solutions aiming to change the world so that southern peoples can prosper.

Beyond this likely final visit of Meloni to Tunis, what should we remember about this duo with opposing views? On one hand, Meloni with her excessive ambition, not hesitating to deceive partners like Tunisia with dubious strategies or to sacrifice alliances for electoral gain, as she seems to do with the controversial Ursula von der Leyen. On the other hand, Kais Saied, the honest politician dreaming of changing the world, liberating Palestine, and reforming the International Monetary Fund (IMF), lecturing anyone who will listen but ultimately failing to even restore a local pool or national stadium, having to turn to powerful China to bail him out. This is our core problem: we think small! Even with all the power, like Kais Saied, who has defeated powerful organizations and unions, we stagnate. The socio-economic situation neither improves nor worsens. The president is isolated, poorly advised, and as the saying goes, the mind is not a vessel to be filled, but a fire to be kindled.

Tunisians will have to vote again in the upcoming elections, and they will have the choice to re-elect their “honest man” but this time with full knowledge.

In conclusion, like Faust, Kais Saied fails in his pact with Meloni. Presented as a cure-all, this alliance proves ineffective. Only a long-term agreement, within the framework of the EU-Tunisia association agreement, can offer viable and concrete solutions. Everything else is just smoke and mirrors.

(1) According to Romdhane Ben Amor, of the Tunisian Forum for Economic and Social Rights.

(2) Statement by Kaïs Saïed to Gérald Darmanin and Nancy Faeser, the French and German Interior Ministers, 20 June 2023.

Article written by Ghazi Ben Ahmed and translated from French by Business News Tunisia, on 17 April 2024

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L’article Tunisia and Italy: the moment of truth est apparu en premier sur mdi-international.

This policy of “externalizing” migration controls amounts to directly supporting dictators to do the “dirty work” and becoming the coast guards of the EU in exchange for a disguised rent under the Mattei Plan program, without any consideration for the root causes of migration.

Italy, under the leadership of Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, finds itself once again at the center of a major controversy, demonstrating the spectacular failure of its migration policy with fascist undertones. The recent arrival of over 1,500 undocumented migrants on the small Italian island of Lampedusa, located off the Tunisian coast, in just a day and a half, underscores the magnitude of the ongoing socio-economic and humanitarian crisis. This situation, far from being an isolated case, reveals the deep flaws in a short-term approach advocated by Meloni and funded by the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, concerning the management of migration flows on the eve of the June European elections.

This policy of “externalizing” migration controls amounts to directly supporting dictators to do the “dirty work” and become the coast guards of the EU in exchange for a rent. This strategy, which involves making ad hoc migration agreements with authoritarian regimes in Libya, Tunisia, and Egypt, in hopes of containing the influx of migrants (and sending them a negative signal), is failing miserably. This approach is proving to be a colossal failure, not only from a humanitarian standpoint but also in terms of efficiency and management of European public funds.
Meloni’s visit to Tunis on Wednesday, April 17, with the aim of demanding the Tunisian government to halt the migrant flow at least until the European elections in early June, against a rent disguised as a program under the Mattei Plan (another Meloni farce), highlights the urgency and desperation of the EU facing this crisis. This move, although pragmatic, perfectly illustrates the deadlock in which Europe finds itself thanks to Meloni/von der Leyen: attempting to negotiate agreements with countries whose political and economic stability is precarious, while neglecting the root causes of migration.

The failure of the EU’s policy of externalizing migration controls only exacerbates an already critical crisis, highlighting the absence of a coherent, humane, and effective European migration policy. It is imperative that the EU rethink its approach, emphasizing the protection of human rights, international solidarity, and sustainable development, rather than repressive measures and precarious agreements. The migration crisis is not just a logistical or security challenge; it is primarily a humanitarian crisis that requires a complex and multidimensional response.

In the current context, the debate on migration in Europe is often polarized between two extremes, each with its own shortcomings and consequences for the lives of migrants and the diaspora in regular situations.

On one hand, there is the naivety and inaction of some factions of the left, which, although starting from an intention of openness and solidarity, can sometimes lead to a lack of coherent policy. This gap only worsens the situation of migrants, regularizing their status without offering sustainable or integrated solutions. The lack of targeted actions to effectively integrate migrants into host societies can make their daily life more complex, exacerbating challenges related to employment, education, and social integration. This approach, although well-intentioned, risks creating conditions conducive to marginalization, thus fueling discourse and exploitation by extremists and affecting those who are well-integrated.

On the other hand, the brutality and calls from the far right, for whom the end justifies the means, offer a reductionist and dangerous view of migration management. The policies advocated by these groups are often characterized by border closures, detention, and repulsion of migrants, under the pretext of protecting national identity and security. This approach, far from solving the problems, only worsens the humanitarian crisis, violates human rights, and ignores the root causes of migration, such as conflicts, poverty, and climate change.

Faced with these extremes, the European Union stands at a crossroads. To move forward, it must develop a balanced and pragmatic migration policy, which recognizes both the need to protect migrants’ rights and the security of European citizens. Such a policy should include joint European measures to strengthen cooperation with origin and transit countries, in order to limit irregular migration flows while opening legal avenues for immigration. This requires constructive dialogue and cooperation agreements that go beyond simple financial aid, to address the root causes of migration: improving living conditions, creating economic opportunities, and supporting political and social reforms.
In the face of Russian aggression, the European Union must strengthen its security position and prepare for the transition to a war economy. Effective and strategic management of migration is essential in this context, as it meets the crucial needs for labor in key sectors such as agriculture, industry, services, and even the armed forces. Migrants not only provide the necessary labor to support these vital industries but also help maintain Europe’s economic competitiveness and defense capability.

Investing in the integration of regular migrants is therefore essential. Facilitating their access to education, training, the labor market, and social services will allow effective social inclusion, essential for internal cohesion and stability during periods of geopolitical tension. This rapid and effective integration maximizes not only their economic contribution but also strengthens long-term social resilience.

Furthermore, a proactive migration policy should be seen as a pillar of the EU’s national and economic security strategy. It should not only compensate for demographic decline but also increase economic production in times of crisis. A visionary European migration policy should therefore treat migration as a strategic opportunity to energize cultural diversity, economic growth, and social cohesion, thereby transforming migration challenges into advantages to strengthen the Union’s security and economic posture.

Therefore, it is imperative that the EU reconfigures its perception and management of migration, not as a threat but as a crucial lever in its arsenal for preparing for a war economy and national resilience. This approach will not only strengthen economic security but also Europe’s global stability in an uncertain international context.

Article written by Ghazi Ben Ahmed and translated from Italian by Le Huffington Post Italia, on 13 April 2024

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L’article Why Meloni-von der Leyen’s Strategy on Migrants is a Colossal Failure est apparu en premier sur mdi-international.

In a process that raises numerous questions and criticisms, the European Union continues its strategy of outsourcing the management of migratory flows through agreements with third countries, a policy that sparks debate both on its effectiveness and its ethical implications. Recently, the EU signed a similar agreement with Egypt to the one concluded with Tunisia, thus indicating continuity in an approach that, according to some, amounts to a political endorsement that strengthens these regimes under the guise of migration regulation. Thus, while the official intention is to control immigration, these agreements can turn into tacit approval of administrations that limit civil liberties, posing an ethical dilemma between managing migratory flows and promoting democratic principles and human rights

This approach raises questions about the EU’s priorities, highlighting tensions between domestic policy objectives and the universal values ​​it seeks to promote internationally. Officially, the funds will help strengthen Egypt’s security forces and boost its economy, which has been hit by rampant inflation and crippling unemployment. Missile attacks by Houthi rebels in Yemen on commercial ships have also disrupted trade via the Red Sea, further affecting trade in Egypt. The country also faces a huge migration crisis with the mass arrival of Sudanese, Syrian, and Palestinian refugees.

The agreement, described by some as an ad hoc migration arrangement disguised as a spectacle to impress the public, does not fail to illustrate a certain disregard for the fundamental principles of respect for human rights. Through this action, Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission, finds herself assigned the unenviable title of “sponsor of dictators,” in a move that appears to be a desperate tactic approaching the European elections on June 9. The question arises: will the squandering of European taxpayers’ funds at the expense of human rights truly favor her reelection to the head of the Commission?

Adopting a policy that seems to echo the discourse of the far right in hopes of winning over voters appears as a risky electoral strategy. Historically, the original always triumphs over the copy, and this attempt could well prove counterproductive. The agreement signed between the EU and Tunisia has been widely criticized, seen both as an absolute failure — ridiculed by the return of €60 million to the EU in exchange for a final commitment of €150 million — and a relative failure, especially when compared to the one concluded with Egypt. For a similar agreement, Egypt managed to obtain €7.4 billion, fifty times more than Tunisia, for a population nine times larger. This comparison not only highlights the failure of Tunisian diplomacy but also the significantly more generous treatment accorded to Egypt, where the signing of the agreement was celebrated with great pomp in the presence of six heads of state in Cairo. To top it off, it is from Cairo that Von der Leyen announces EU aid to Gaza, whereas Tunisia had made it its battleground. Thus, the post-July 25 Tunisian diplomacy fails across the board, highlighting the limits of a foreign policy focused on immediate financial gains at the expense of democratic principles and human rights.

On Sunday, March 17, the European Union presented the world with two contrasting images: one of a timid Europe, embodied by five heads of state, including Giorgia Meloni, the Italian Prime Minister, courting an Egyptian dictator under the guise of migration control; and the other of a bold Europe, represented by Schulz, Macron, and Tusk, forming a united front against Russian aggression. This dichotomy reflects internal tensions within the EU regarding the direction to take in the face of contemporary challenges, between realpolitik and fidelity to fundamental values ​​of democracy and respect for human rights.

The EU’s approach to migration management, favoring agreements with authoritarian regimes, raises questions about the sustainability of these solutions. Not only do they risk compromising the fundamental values on which the Union claims to be built, but they could also prove to be counterproductive in the long run. Indeed, without a more holistic approach that addresses the root causes of immigration — such as political stability, economic development, and respect for human rights — these agreements can only offer temporary solutions, squander European taxpayers’ money, while fueling criticism of the EU.

This short-term policy, desired by Meloni and funded by Von der Leyen, creates a vicious circle in which European funds strengthen dictators without creating favorable conditions for economic recovery, which, combined with a climate of repression, drives populations to flee their countries. After signing similar agreements with Turkey, Tunisia, Mauritania, and now Egypt, the EU is expected to soon sign another agreement with Morocco. The so-called EU outsourcing strategy for migration management faces criticism from all sides, including recently from the European Parliament, which asserts that the agreements lack guarantees on human rights, exposing migrants to brutal conditions in camps and putting money into the hands of autocrats.

As the European Union continues to navigate the murky waters of international migration policy, it becomes crucial to reassess its priorities and methods. As the European elections approach, these questions are not merely academic but are of crucial importance for the future of the EU and its place in the world.

Article written by Ghazi Ben Ahmed and translated from French by Le Club de Mediapart, on 6 March 2024

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L’article When the EU sponsors dictators: EU migration agreements a springboard for the European elections? est apparu en premier sur mdi-international.

While Rome aspires to serve as a gateway to European markets for natural gas extracted from Africa, the project is opaque about which African countries will be rewarded in terms of development. In an atmosphere of spellbinding promises that clash with the reality of European political and electoral interests.

Facade optimism barely conceals the contradictions at the Italy-Africa Summit hosted in Rome on 28-29 January by the Italian government, which brought together representatives from over 25 countries and the EU leadership. Italy, led by Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, proclaimed its ambition to work for Africa’s development with a programme of ‘cooperation among equals, far from any predation or charity towards Africa’.

However, this assertion seems to oscillate between naïve hopes and political astuteness, badly concealing an obvious misunderstanding. On the one hand, Italy, with Meloni and her populist far-right coalition, affirms its desire to contribute to Africa’s progress through a model of renewed and balanced cooperation. On the other, African countries express their discontent with what they perceive as European interference or imposition, while seeking essential financial aid and investment.

The Italian government’s flagship initiative to mobilise EUR 5.5 billion (combining funding from cooperation and the Climate Fund – an aspect strongly contested by the Italian opposition) for African development over five to seven years is met with scepticism by African countries. Although the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia are ready to give substantial support to the plan, the added value of this summit and the realisation of its promises remain uncertain. The expressed intention to find additional funding and synergies with other programmes, such as the EU’s Global Gateway, raises questions about the feasibility and sincerity of the commitments made, in a context where tangible results seem more than uncertain compared to intentions. Moreover, energy interests are brazenly at the heart of the initiative, as evidenced by the prominent role of Italian energy giant ENI in the plan, named after its founder Enrico Mattei.

While Rome aspires to serve as a gateway to European markets for natural gas extracted from Africa, the ‘Mattei Plan’ is opaque about what African countries will actually be paid in terms of development. In an atmosphere of spellbinding promises that clash with the reality of short-term European political and electoral interests, the Italy-Africa Summit could turn out to be a new chapter in the long history of deception between Europe and Africa, where discourses of equality and partnership often hide unbalanced power dynamics and diverging interests.

Combating the root causes of migration remains central

It should be remembered that another European actor had previously explored a similar approach without reaping the expected benefits: Germany. Indeed, Berlin had committed itself to developing an African policy aimed at renewing its ties with African nations, seeking to distance itself from France, burdened by its reputation as a former colonial power. “Germany reassures.” He declared: ‘It is very rational and not paternalistic. Germany benefits from the mistakes made by the French and adapts its cooperation with African countries. The Germans have organisation and methodology to work with’.

ermany’s ambition at the time, just as ‘laudable’ in form as Meloni’s today, advocated an end to the era of conventional development cooperation, favouring the orientation of private investment towards supporting renewable energy and environmental conservation.

However, then as now, the migration crisis is the constant backdrop to these approaches. Germany aspired to establish a new type of cooperation capable of retaining young potential emigrants in their home countries. Therefore, to a large extent to stem the flow of migration, the German government had articulated its own new African strategy, mainly encouraging German companies to invest in Africa.

A changing geopolitical context

But times are changing. The international context is no longer conducive to sterile rivalries between European partners. And the current German government seems to have realised this. “Africa is growing and changing enormously. Its evolution will shape the 21st century – and thus also the future of Germany and Europe.” These are the words with which the German Minister for Economic Cooperation and Development, Svenja Schulze (SPD), presented the new German strategy for the African continent. This new strategic direction marks the will to radically transform, in form and substance, the relationship between Europe and Africa.

The aim is to overcome the colonial legacy and adjust the historical imbalance of power between the continents. But to focus this policy on the role of EU institutions. Indeed, if the EU leaders present at Meloni’s summit in Rome were sincere in their interest in Africa (and not just seeking visibility and publicity in the run-up to the European elections), they should reflect Germany’s strategic direction aimed at redressing the power imbalance between the two continents.

Unfortunately, so far von der Leyen, Michel and Metsola have indicated a total lack of operational and financial commitment to Italian policies, beyond their presence and the political rhetoric displayed in Rome. Europeans must admit that relying solely on historical and geographical ties, supposedly conferring an advantage over competitors such as China, India or Turkey, is a strategic misreading. In fact, several African countries have established significant ties not only with China and Turkey but also, surprisingly despite the war in Ukraine, in the field of military cooperation with Russia.

The hesitation of many African countries to take a clear position on a conflict that has such a high moral value for Europe has hurt the sensitivities of many in the West.

But if Europe’s goal is really to foster Africa’s long-term and sustainable development, it is necessary to go beyond the hydrocarbon rhetoric that even the name ‘Mattei Plan’ embodies.

To become a true strategic partner of the African continent, as pointed out by expert Lorella Stella Martini of the think tank Ecco, Europe must focus on the opportunities presented by green development and energy transition, which would also be more in line with its own European Green Deal.

Africa must find its own alliances

Today, Africa seeks to break free from a past conditioned by Europe and adopt a more enterprising stance. The countries of the continent want to choose their own partners, without being caged into alliances dictated by others, and make choices according to their own interests. It is in this context that the criticism of the Tunisian Foreign Minister should be understood when he accuses the European Union of suffering from “a feeling of superiority”: “it thinks it is a model to be followed, while in reality it is a minority”. But African countries want to go beyond these sterile rivalries and see Europe’s role for what it is, a chance and an opportunity for the continent’s development and to face global challenges together. Everything else is chimera.

As the Malian writer Amadou Hampâté Bâ put it so well: “Partnerships between nations should not be mirrors reflecting the asymmetries of the past, but open windows on the possibilities of a shared future.” The destinies of Europe and Africa are inextricably intertwined. Currently, the European Union is positioned as Africa’s largest trading partner, accounting for more than 30 per cent of the continent’s external trade. Europe, in its quest for energy diversification, needs Africa for its natural gas supply.

With the announcement of the imminent exploitation of vast gas fields off the west coast of Africa, including reserves estimated at 2.83 trillion cubic metres between Senegal and Mauritania, Africa is emerging as a key player. Algeria, the world’s tenth largest gas producer, together with Nigeria, Angola, Egypt and Libya, holders of rich gas fields, could become essential pivots in reducing European dependence on Russian gas. However, the success of this strategy requires true mutual cooperation.

Africa must fight corruption and inefficient governance, long neglected (and sometimes even exploited by Western countries) scourges that persist on the continent. For its part, Europe must recognise and support Africa’s growing influence on the world stage by aligning its actions with African priorities without compromising its underlying values: respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and respect for human rights, including those of minorities. This dynamic can only flourish through the harmonious engagement of EU member states, a sine qua non for synergy with the overall visions of the European Commission. Any unilateral strategy of a member state, especially if it focuses on migration management in its African policy, is inherently doomed to failure. This was particularly highlighted by the migration memorandum between the EU and Tunisia, promoted by the Italian prime minister last summer.

There is reason to fear that the Mattei Plan is simply an extension of this memorandum, with the aim of turning African leaders meeting in Rome into mere coastguards for the EU in exchange for a few micro-projects in the field of renewable energy, or even gas. Such an orientation not only risks undermining the depth and richness of Euro-African relations but also reducing African heads of state to peripheral roles, far removed from the balanced and mutually beneficial cooperation that should characterise the ties between the two continents. Not to mention that the presence of African leaders in Rome seems to want to legitimise Giorgia Meloni’s racist anti-immigration policy and conceal the tragedy of the thousands of migrants deported to the Libyan desert, victims of abuse and murder. In short, Africa must not be reduced to the role of a detention zone for Italy, where under a leadership with fascist reminiscences, Giorgia Meloni’s government will simply extract African gas and carelessly deport migrants in a vain attempt to eliminate the factors that attract them to Europe.

Article written by Ghazi Ben Ahmed and translated from Italian by Le Huffington Post Italia, on 6 February 2024

L’article The Mattei Plan, a façade partnership conditioned by Meloni’s electoral interests est apparu en premier sur mdi-international.

The President of the Italian Council, who has invited the continent’s leaders to Rome on 28 and 29 January, promises them a partnership “on an equal footing”. The reality is less rosy: Meloni intends above all to show how a far-right government is managing the migration issue in Europe.

At the Italy-Africa Summit, to be held in Rome on 28 and 29 January, Giorgia Meloni, the President of the Italian Council, will unveil her Mattei Plan. In other words, her strategy for Africa.

This plan, named after Enrico Mattei, the founder of the Italian energy group ENI, is based on a vast programme of investments and partnerships, the details of which remain abstract and vague. In September 2023, at the UN, the Italian leader presented it as “a serious alternative to the phenomenon of mass immigration”.

Meloni’s electoral calculation

The official aim is to secure energy supplies for the European Union (EU) while helping African countries to accelerate their development in order to curb migratory flows. With the European elections less than six months away, however, there is every reason to believe that Meloni’s real aim is not so much to seduce African states with yet another cooperation project based on “partnerships of equals” as to show European voters what a far-right government can do to control immigration and ensure security.

The memorandum that the EU and Tunisia signed on 16 July 2023 under the aegis of Meloni gave a foretaste of this. This ad hoc, inhumane migration agreement amounts to outsourcing the defense of the Italian coast, deporting and abandoning migrants in the Libyan and Algerian deserts, all financed with European money. A disgrace for all the signatories. And it is this model that the Mattei Plan would like to generalize.

Illegal immigration will be one of the key issues in the European elections next June. It is precisely this prospect that frightens Europe’s conservatives and that led the European Commission and the Member States to sign the European Pact on Migration and Asylum, after several years of deadlock.

And yet, provided it is properly managed, immigration is an asset, not a burden. Giorgia Meloni, on the other hand, is using immigration in an ageing Italy to arouse public opinion and win votes in the European elections.

Presented as a strategic axis, the Mattei Plan is leading Rome into a new dynamic of cooperation with Africa. On 10 January, the Italian parliament ratified a decree-law affirming Italy’s determination to strengthen its relations with the African continent. The Meloni government advocates a relationship of equals with its African partners, positions Italy as a future hub between North Africa and the EU for the distribution of energy, and proposes a new model of cooperation (“post-colonialist” and “non-paternalistic”) between Europe and the African states.

NGO concerns

The Mattei Plan covers a wide range of areas. Yet its financing raises many questions. In October 2023, during a visit to Mozambique, Giorgia Meloni suggested that the Italian Climate Fund should support the plan. But a number of Italian and international NGOs opposed to the Mattei Plan fear that this fund, which is supposed to finance initiatives to combat climate change, will in fact only be used to finance new oil and gas exploration – especially as the ENI group has a major presence in Africa.

The Ministry of the Environment recently announced the creation of a steering committee for the Italian Climate Fund. Managed by Cassa Depositi e Prestiti, it is responsible for drawing up an investment plan. But the sustainable and renewable energies so much vaunted in the speeches do not seem to be a priority, and it seems instead that an attempt is being made to steer Italy towards an economy centred on gas – which could compromise the transition to a clean and renewable energy model, which is essential if African countries are to achieve sustainable development.

The Mattei Plan is based on the concept of security, and aims to establish broad, multi-sector collaboration between Italy and African countries. Nevertheless, reducing security to the issue of migration is a misguided and even dangerous interpretation. Describing immigration as a threat flies in the face of the facts, and instead serves as a political lever used to whip up fears and consolidate authoritarian positions. This approach, often exploited by right-wing governments for electoral purposes, exacerbates problems rather than solving them.

Populist and repressive approaches, which dehumanise migrants, are neither moral nor even effective. It is essential to recognise that immigration, when properly managed, can become an asset. We must therefore turn away from strategies based on fear, and move towards policies that value human dignity and mutual development.

Humanitarian principles flouted

Given the humanitarian emergency, the Meloni government’s treatment of migrants is a source of deep concern. The Cutro tragedy [which occurred in February 2023, off the coast of Calabria], where so many innocent souls [94 people, including 35 minors] tragically disappeared, highlighted Italy’s overwhelming responsibility. This tragedy has exposed a policy where economic and electoral interests take precedence – by far – over ethical and humanitarian principles. It is imperative to challenge this type of government, which criminalises acts of solidarity, and urgent to consider solutions in which the dignity of each individual is at the heart of migration policies.

While nations such as Tunisia resist the pressure and refuse to become Europe’s border sentinels, the failure of projects such as that of the British in Rwanda shows that the solution does not lie in outsourcing the management of migratory flows.

What’s more, energy policy and migration dynamics need to be dissociated, because the geography of natural resources does not always correspond to that of migration. To move forward, it would be wise to revitalise initiatives such as the Barcelona Process, which set out to build a unified and prosperous Mediterranean – a vision that the upheavals of the Arab Spring and European inertia have left unfulfilled.

If the discourse on immigration is to once again comply with international law (and in particular the Geneva Charter), it must be based on a perspective that fully respects human rights. The initiative of the MDI think tank in the European Parliament aims to create mobility centres between Africa and the EU, and to generalise programmes such as Talent Partnerships and the EU Talent Pool. It is imperative to draw up a strategic plan to promote Africa-Europe cooperation on human mobility. The migration issue must be managed within the framework of the needs of European economies and not be exploited for electoral purposes.

Article written by Ghazi Ben Ahmed for JEUNE AFRIQUE, 27 January 2024.

L’article Mattei Plan, Giorgia Meloni’s mousetrap for Africa est apparu en premier sur mdi-international.

Rome is today hosting the Italy-Africa Summit, bringing together representatives from more than 25 countries in a context where the optimism on display struggles to conceal the underlying contradictions. Italy, under the aegis of Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, is proclaiming its ambition to “work for Africa’s development in a new partnership of equals”. This declaration, however, seems to oscillate between naïve hopes and political deceit, revealing a potential game of dupes. On the one hand, Italy, with Meloni (and his populist far-right coalition), asserting its desire to contribute to Africa’s progress under the aegis of renewed and balanced cooperation. On the other hand, African countries are expressing their dissatisfaction with what they perceive as European interference, while at the same time seeking much-needed financial and economic support.

The Italian government’s flagship initiative to mobilise €5.5 billion (combining Italian cooperation and the climate change fund) for African development over 5 to 7 years is being greeted with scepticism.
Although the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia have shown their support through significant financial commitments, the added value of this summit and the delivery of the promises remain uncertain.The stated desire to find synergies (and additional funding) with other programmes, such as the EU’s Global Gateway, raises questions about the viability and sincerity of the commitments made, in a context where intentions and tangible results seem more than uncertain.
In this atmosphere of incantatory promises and short-term European political and electoral realities, the Italy-Africa Summit could well prove to be a new chapter in the long tale of the fool’s game between Europe and Africa, where talk of equality and partnership often masks unbalanced power dynamics and divergent interests.

• Fluchtursachenbekämpfung, literally “fight against the causes of immigration”, remains central

Another European player had previously explored a similar approach, without reaping the expected rewards: Germany. The latter had embarked on the development of an African policy aimed at renewing its ties with African nations, while seeking to distance itself from France, affected by its reputation as a former colonial power. “Germany is reassuring. It is very rational and not paternalistic. Germany is taking advantage of the mistakes the French have made and adapting its cooperation with African countries. The Germans have the organisation and the working methods”[1].

Germany’s ambition at the time, which was just as “laudable” in form as Meloni’s today, was to put an end to the era of conventional development aid, giving priority to directing private investment towards supporting renewable energies and preserving the environment. However, the migration crisis was a persistent backdrop to these initiatives, and Germany was keen to establish a new type of cooperation that would keep young people aspiring to emigrate in their own country. It was therefore largely to stem the tide of migration that the German government articulated its new Africa strategy, encouraging German companies above all to invest in Africa.

• Geopolitical context conducive to renewal

Times are changing and the international context is no longer conducive to sterile quarrels. And the current German government seems to have understood this. “Africa is growing and changing enormously. Its development will shape the 21stᵉ century – and therefore also the future of Germany and Europe”. With these words, Germany’s Minister for Economic Cooperation and Development, Svenja Schulze (SPD), presented Germany’s new strategy for the African continent.
This new strategic direction marks a desire to radically transform the form and substance of relations between Europe and Africa. The aim is to transcend the colonial legacy and adjust the historical imbalance of power between the continents. Europeans need to recognise that relying solely on historical and geographical links, which are supposed to confer an advantage over competitors such as China, India and Turkey, is a strategic misinterpretation. Indeed, several African countries have established significant links not only with China and Turkey but also, shockingly after the offensive on Ukraine, in the field of military cooperation with Russia.

The reluctance of many African countries to take a clear stance in a conflict where the moral stakes seem obvious is shocking common sense. Today, Africa is seeking to free itself from this past and is adopting a proactive stance. It now wishes to choose its partners independently, without being drawn into alliances dictated by others, and by assessing its options according to its own interests. It is against this backdrop that we need to understand the Tunisian Foreign Minister’s criticism when he accuses the European Community of suffering from “a feeling of superiority”, “it thinks it is a model to follow, when in reality it is a minority”.

It’s time to move beyond these sterile quarrels and see Europe for what it is: a chance and an opportunity for the continent’s development and to face global challenges together. Everything else is a pipe dream.

As the Malian writer Amadou Hampâté Bâ put it so well: “Partnerships between nations should not be mirrors reflecting the asymmetries of the past, but windows opening onto the possibilities of a shared future”.
The destinies of Europe and Africa are inextricably intertwined. The European Union is currently Africa’s main trading partner, accounting for over 30% of the continent’s foreign trade. In its quest to diversify its energy mix, Europe needs Africa to supply it with natural gas.

With the announcement of the forthcoming exploitation of vast gas deposits on the west coast of Africa, including reserves estimated at 2.83 trillion cubic metres between Senegal and Mauritania, Africa is on the verge of becoming a major gas producer.
Mauritania, Africa is emerging as a key player. Algeria, ranked as the world’s tenth largest gas producer, as well as Nigeria, Angola, Egypt and Libya, all rich gas producers, could become key pivots in reducing Europe’s dependence on Russian gas.
However, if this strategy is to succeed, we need to work together. Africa has a duty to combat corruption and bad governance, scourges that have long been neglected, or even exploited, by Western countries and which persist on the continent.

For its part, Europe must recognise and support Africa’s rise on the world stage by aligning its actions with African priorities without making concessions on the values on which it is founded: respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law, and respect for human rights, including those of minorities. This dynamic can only flourish with the harmonious commitment of the EU Member States, a sine qua non for synergy with the European Commission’s global visions.

Any unilateral strategy by a Member State, focused primarily on managing immigration in its Africa policy, is intrinsically doomed to failure. This was particularly evident with the Memorandum on Migration between the EU and Tunisia, instigated by the Italian Prime Minister. There is every reason to fear that the Mattei Plan represents no more than an extension of this memorandum, transforming the African leaders meeting in Rome into mere coastguards on behalf of the EU in exchange for a few micro-projects in renewable energy and even gas.

Such an approach not only risks undermining the depth and richness of Euro-African relations, but also reducing African heads of state to peripheral roles, far removed from the balanced and mutually beneficial cooperation that should characterise links between the two continents. Not to mention the fact that their presence in Rome legitimises Giorgia Meloni’s racist anti-migration policy and whitewashes her for the thousands of migrants deported to the Libyan desert and subjected to abuse and murder.
In conclusion, it is essential to recognise that Africa cannot be perceived as a simple chessboard on which geopolitical rivalries between the Member States of the European Union or between Europe and the rest of the world are played out. The human dimension and the aspirations of the African people must be at the heart of any approach to international cooperation. The policies and strategies developed for the African continent must be guided by respect for its sovereignty and by the desire to meet the real needs of its people.

It is time to transcend simplistic visions and purely strategic interests and adopt an approach that values genuine partnership, equitable exchange and sustainable development. Africa’s wealth, whether human, cultural or natural, should not be the focus of international competition, but the basis for respectful and mutually beneficial collaboration.

Article written by Ghazi Ben Ahmed, founder of the Mediterranean Development Initiative, in the weekly Réalités on 29/01/2024.

L’article Italy-Africa Summit: Another facet of migration management? est apparu en premier sur mdi-international.