Archives des Kais Saied - mdi-international

Staged and Shamed: How Kaïs Saied Used the U.S. to Boost His Regime

Ghazi Ben Ahmed — Wed, 06 Aug 2025 18:26:47 +0000

In the gilded halls of Carthage Palace, Tunisian President Kaïs Saied delivered what was meant to look like a principled stand. In reality, it was a carefully choreographed ambush. When Massad Boulos, adviser to Donald Trump on Arab and African affairs, arrived in Tunis, he was met not with the customary decorum of diplomacy, but with a solemn and theatrical display: graphic images of Palestinian suffering, accusations of genocide, and a scathing indictment of Israeli policy. There was no attempt at dialogue, no pretense of cooperation. It was a lecture and a performance.

The tragedy unfolding in Gaza is real, and it warrants global attention. But so too is the political manipulation that often cloaks itself in righteous outrage. That an authoritarian figure like Kaïs Saied was the one delivering the message, and that the United States handed him the platform to do so, is what should trouble policymakers in Washington. Whether out of naïveté or miscalculation, the U.S. gifted a struggling strongman the opportunity to polish his image at their expense, and Saied seized it with precision.

What played out in Tunis was not an isolated misstep. It was part of a well-worn script used by autocrats across the region, a performance steeped in ambiguity, crafted to appeal to Western sensitivities while masking the hard truth of domestic repression. When legitimacy falters at home, when economies collapse and dissent simmers, the Palestinian cause becomes the go-to refuge. It offers moral cover, international headlines, and a distraction from domestic decay. From Tehran to Algiers, and now Tunis, the tactic is the same.

Facing Tunisia’s most severe crisis in decades, economic freefall, international isolation, and an erosion of civil liberties, Saied resorted to this playbook. The display wasn’t meant to advance Palestinian rights. It was meant to deflect, to rally support, and to reframe himself as a moral voice in a region where he’s anything but.

This is a man who suspended parliament, dismantled judicial independence, jailed journalists, and crushed dissent. This is a leader who revived ties with Bashar al-Assad, the architect of mass atrocities against the Syrian people. Thousands of children were murdered under Assad’s regime, gassed, burned, and bombed, yet Saied saw no contradiction in welcoming him back into the diplomatic fold. To denounce Israeli brutality while embracing the butcher of Damascus isn’t just hypocrisy, it’s moral bankruptcy.

The meeting with Boulos offered Saied something he rarely gets these days: international validation. And he used it not to engage, but to perform. He wasn’t speaking to America; he was speaking through America, to a domestic audience he hopes to galvanize and to regional powers drawn to the toxic blend of populism and authoritarianism he now embodies. The message was clear: I stand defiant, I resist pressure, I defend Palestine. Never mind the Tunisians enduring rising poverty, censorship, and fear under his rule.

What did Washington expect to gain from this encounter? Influence? Leverage? The result was a photo op turned political weapon. And it underscores a deeper problem: the U.S. continues to treat repressive regimes as if they are rational actors in a shared rules-based order. But today’s autocrats aren’t just governing, they’re staging performances, and unless America understands that, it will continue being cast in roles it never auditioned for.

What makes this all the more damaging is the silence that follows. As Saied brands political opponents as traitors, lashes out at NGOs, and tightens his grip on power, Washington offers little more than muted concern. In trying not to interfere, it inadvertently enables, signaling that the theater works, that ambiguity pays off, that the show can go on.

And in the end, it’s the Palestinian cause that suffers. It deserves real defenders, leaders who fight for dignity abroad and uphold it at home. Not those who wave images of the dead while presiding over a nation in despair.

There is no shame in seeking dialogue. But diplomacy requires clarity, preparation, and strength of purpose — especially when engaging with leaders skilled in manipulation and spectacle. In Tunis, Massad Boulos was not outmaneuvered; he was unprepared. Tasked with representing a strategic vision for U.S. engagement in the region, he allowed himself to become a passive participant in KaïsSaied’s political theater.

We may never know what was truly said behind closed doors. American diplomacy may have preferred to deliver its messages discreetly. But in the court of public perception, the effect was disastrous. The images served Saied, not the mission Boulos was sent to defend. Far from strategic diplomacy, it was a miscalculation that offered Saied the perfect optics: a stage to posture, a foreign guest to legitimize him, and a headline to mask his domestic failures.

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“Echoes from Tunisia: Populism, Transition, and Hopes for Democracy” – Ghazi Ben Ahmed Releases His New Book on Tunisia

Ghazi Ben Ahmed — Fri, 20 Sep 2024 22:21:08 +0000

Echoes from Tunisia, Populism, Transition, and Hopes for Democracy (Ed. L’Harmattan, release date: 23 september 2024). I firmly believe that the (controversial) presidential elections in Tunisia provide an opportunity to assess the state of the country and the record of President Kaïs Saïed, who holds all powers. What are his achievements? What is the added value of this hyper-presidency? With what results is candidate Kaïs Saïed presenting himself to the people?

My book is an opportunity to open this debate, but beyond that, it is much more than just a political essay. It is a committed, rigorous, and nuanced work that offers a deep and objective analysis of Tunisia’s internal dynamics while connecting them to global transformations. It is essential not only for Tunisians seeking to understand the challenges their country faces but also for Europeans wanting to grasp the complex interactions between migration, populism, and international relations.

In summary, this book is an indispensable tool for anyone wishing to understand the crucial issues of today’s world, whether in politics, economics, or geopolitics. Tunisia, at the crossroads between its past, its tumultuous present, and its future aspirations, is revealed in all its complexity through these pages. It is a must-read for anyone who seeks to better understand our times and the challenges that lie ahead.

L’Harmattan also provides us with a summary of the contents of the book by Ghazi Ben Ahmed, founder of Mediterranean Development Initiative, on the back cover: “This book offers a hard-hitting analysis of the political and socio-economic crisis in Tunisia, exploring its genesis and its repercussions on Europe. As populist President Kais Saied consolidates his authoritarian rule, the situation extends far beyond Tunisia’s borders, leading to increased migration to Europe and fuelling populist and far-right rhetoric.

The book also highlights the decisive role of European policies, particularly Italian, in consolidating this authoritarian regime, a particularly crucial issue with the arrival of a new European executive. It also highlights the European Union’s lack of a long-term vision for Tunisia, and the recycling of its existing policies, which often limit the potential of relations between the two shores. By revealing these interconnections, this book invites reflection on the future of Euro-Mediterranean relations and the impact of these policy choices on the stability of Europe and its southern neighbourhood. It hopes to inspire greater understanding and cooperation between Tunisia and the European Union, for the mutual benefit of all concerned.”

The book by our founder Ghazi Ben Ahmed is available for pre-order on the Harmattan website in French ONLY. It will be published on 23 September. The price is 27 euros (+ postage).

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Algiers, Tunis and Rabat: relations soured?

Ahmed Lagha — Mon, 29 Apr 2024 08:42:13 +0000

The neutrality advocated by Bourguiba in the conflict between Morocco and Algeria, particularly regarding the Western Sahara issue, is now under threat. Tensions persist in the Maghreb, notably due to the unresolved territorial conflict of Western Sahara, firmly pitting Morocco against the Polisario Front, supported by Algeria.

Western Sahara, formerly a Spanish colony, is claimed by Morocco as integral to its territory, while the Polisario Front (on the Algerian side) seeks independence for the region. In 1975, after Spain’s withdrawal, Morocco and Mauritania annexed most of the territory, sparking a war with the Polisario Front. A ceasefire was signed with the UN in 1991, but the final status of Western Sahara remains pending, despite mediation attempts and peace talks.

In 2022, tensions between Tunisia and Morocco escalated when Kaïs Saïed invited Brahim Ghali, leader of the Polisario Front, to the Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD). Tensions intensified on April 22 with the Tunisian authorities organizing a tripartite Maghreb meeting (Algeria, Libya, and Tunisia) in Tunis, aimed at forming action groups to address the impact of sub-Saharan clandestine migrations. Discussions also covered political, economic, and social issues.

The Tunisian authorities, while praising the “brotherly and friendly” countries, omitted to invite Morocco and Mauritania to the consultative meetings.

The Algerian diplomacy chief defends these initiatives as addressing the void left by the moribund Arab Maghreb Union (UMA) since 1994. Founded in Marrakech in 1989, Morocco’s ambition was to strengthen political and economic ties among Maghreb countries.

On the Moroccan side, the media accuse Algeria of attempting to sow discord in North Africa, “aimed at making it appear that Algeria is not isolated in its neighborhood.”

On August 20, the Moroccan King Mohammed VI stated in his annual throne speech a “clear message to the world,” affirming that “the Western Sahara issue is the prism through which Morocco views its international environment.”

Due to the unilateral decisions of Kaïs Saïed, the positive neutrality once expressed by Bourguiba regarding the conflict between Algiers and Rabat is now threatened. The supposed alliances of the Tunisian authorities with Polisario figures may one day lead us to be considered enemies of Rabat.

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Tunisia and Italy: the moment of truth

Ghazi Ben Ahmed — Thu, 18 Apr 2024 10:06:23 +0000

The visit of Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni to Tunis on Wednesday, April 17th, did not bode well. It was her fourth visit to Tunis, and when adding Kais Saied’s two trips to Rome, it marked the sixth meeting between these two since their Faustian pact. The Italian Prime Minister arrived in Tunis with two of her ministers, including her Interior Minister Matteo Piantedosi, to reaffirm the migratory agreement and halt the arrival of migrants to Lampedusa.

This was an effort to show her voters and critics that her agreement is effective. On the other hand, Kais Saied finds himself in a tight spot. His nationalist/electoralist stance risks crumbling: endorsing Meloni’s demands, acting as her coast guard, accepting the return of migrants who passed through Tunisia and deporting them to the southern Tunisian desert in the Bir Al Fatnassya (1) camp contradicts his previous claims that Tunisia “should not serve as Europe’s border guard or a resettlement land for migrants rejected elsewhere (2).” This would also undermine his nationalist rhetoric ahead of the Tunisian presidential elections (if they take place).

Tunisia, Europe’s Border Guard

Due to its strategic location on the Mediterranean, Tunisia finds itself at the heart of the migratory crisis affecting Europe, particularly Italy. The proximity of Tunisian shores to the Italian island of Lampedusa has made coastal cities like Sfax crucial transit points for migrants seeking to reach Europe. Overcrowded and often unsafe boats regularly depart from Tunisian beaches, leading to a continuous stream of human tragedies and humanitarian crises at sea.

Under mounting pressure from the migratory crisis and with crucial European elections approaching for the Italian Prime Minister, a Faustian pact was struck between Giorgia Meloni and Kais Saied. The agreement aimed to prevent migrants from leaving Tunisian shores for Italy in exchange for European financial aid. Thus, European funds intended to stabilize the Tunisian economy and implement necessary economic reforms were diverted to an opaque migration fund that doesn’t address the root causes of migration.

This pact, which serves Italian interests by reducing the migrant flow to its shores, assigns Tunisia the role of Europe’s border guard, a position often criticized both locally and internationally. While the collaboration provides necessary economic support, it raises questions about Tunisia’s sovereignty and the ethics of European migration management practices.

Creating illusions

In the migration negotiations, Giorgia Meloni and Kais Saied opted for a deliberately vague Memorandum of Understanding, seeking to conceal the specific details of its implementation. This opacity was strategic; Saied preferred to avoid a clear understanding of the agreement, particularly that Tunisia would receive financial compensation for taking on the role of Europe’s border guard and for accepting migrants turned away by Italy. This arrangement allowed Saied to minimize internal criticism, avoiding damaging Tunisia’s sovereignty. Meanwhile, Meloni aimed to buy time and maintain the illusion that she could resolve the migration crisis, a key point on her political agenda. This illusion also captivated European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, who considered using this agreement as a model for future deals with other regional countries, strengthening Europe’s periphery as a barrier against illegal immigration.

Thus, Giorgia Meloni and Kais Saied play a duplicitous game. Neither can truly solve the migration crisis. To do so would require stabilizing the Tunisian economy first, and neither Italy has the time and capacity to do so, nor does Tunisia have the vision and ability. So, they settle for a status quo, trying to extract crumbs from the EU, with migrants being tossed around, sometimes under the olive trees in Sfax, sometimes in makeshift boats to Lampedusa.

Meloni excels at this, turning pumpkins into carriages. A training program becomes a strategic cooperation plan under the Mattei plan, and an invitation to the G7 is a poisoned gift for a leader seeking recognition. We sense the strained effort to impress, whether through jokes (mentioning Laurel and Hardy) or grandiose solutions aiming to change the world so that southern peoples can prosper.

Beyond this likely final visit of Meloni to Tunis, what should we remember about this duo with opposing views? On one hand, Meloni with her excessive ambition, not hesitating to deceive partners like Tunisia with dubious strategies or to sacrifice alliances for electoral gain, as she seems to do with the controversial Ursula von der Leyen. On the other hand, Kais Saied, the honest politician dreaming of changing the world, liberating Palestine, and reforming the International Monetary Fund (IMF), lecturing anyone who will listen but ultimately failing to even restore a local pool or national stadium, having to turn to powerful China to bail him out. This is our core problem: we think small! Even with all the power, like Kais Saied, who has defeated powerful organizations and unions, we stagnate. The socio-economic situation neither improves nor worsens. The president is isolated, poorly advised, and as the saying goes, the mind is not a vessel to be filled, but a fire to be kindled.

Tunisians will have to vote again in the upcoming elections, and they will have the choice to re-elect their “honest man” but this time with full knowledge.

In conclusion, like Faust, Kais Saied fails in his pact with Meloni. Presented as a cure-all, this alliance proves ineffective. Only a long-term agreement, within the framework of the EU-Tunisia association agreement, can offer viable and concrete solutions. Everything else is just smoke and mirrors.

(1) According to Romdhane Ben Amor, of the Tunisian Forum for Economic and Social Rights.

(2) Statement by Kaïs Saïed to Gérald Darmanin and Nancy Faeser, the French and German Interior Ministers, 20 June 2023.

Article written by Ghazi Ben Ahmed and translated from French by Business News Tunisia, on 17 April 2024

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