In his speech on April 25th about the European project, French President Emmanuel Macron called for a strategic leap to prevent the decline of Europe. According to Ghazi Ben Ahmed, this leap also requires the implementation of a policy that both controls entries into the EU and opens legal pathways for migration.

Aging population, declining workforce … Because pressing demographic challenges threaten its economic competitiveness and the sustainability of its social protection systems, Europe can no longer afford to ignore the economic and social implications of immigration, especially if it aims to move towards a wartime economy and strategic autonomy.

Neither Laxity Nor Populism

The new European executive, particularly within the Schengen area, must lead the establishment of innovative cooperations and develop policies based on a renewed narrative, without yielding to either laxity or authoritarian populism. The currently proposed models have proven ineffective, as evidenced by the memorandums of understanding that the European Union has signed with Tunisia and Egypt to externalize migration management. These agreements only serve to strengthen authoritarian regimes, disregarding the fate of migrants and the inhumane treatment they often endure.

Similarly, subcontracting agreements like those concluded by the United Kingdom or Italy, which envisage transferring migrants to third countries, often far from their countries of origin, must be reevaluated. These practices, far from solving problems, simply shift responsibilities and exacerbate the ethical issues related to migration. This was highlighted by Emmanuel Macron in his recent speech at the Sorbonne, where he condemned such actions as a “geopolitics of cynicism that betrays our values, builds new dependencies, and will prove totally ineffective.”

A balanced European solution does not involve retreating inward but effectively protecting borders against a massive influx of irregular migrants while scrupulously respecting human rights and promoting legal and chosen migration. It is crucial to implement policies that not only control entries but also simultaneously open legal pathways for migration.

Prioritizing Short-Term Mobility

To open these legal pathways, we could design visas for short-term migration or mobility based on temporary contracts, renewable for five years, allowing migrants to work in Europe for six to nine months per year before returning to their home country and ensuring they can come back the following year. These measures would have the advantage of meeting labor needs in key sectors while allowing migrants to maintain strong ties with their home countries, thus promoting economic development through acquired skills and remittances. Furthermore, such an approach would enhance social cohesion in Europe by reducing tensions and combating negative stereotypes associated with immigration. This implies that African partners also have their share of responsibility and obligations so that everyone benefits.

The challenge, therefore, lies in finding a balance between the demands of the EU and those of its southern neighbors. The new European executive and member states must address both illegal and legal migration. This means, on one hand, humanely treating illegal migrants that southern countries will commit to taking back and, on the other hand, offering southern countries some form of compensation for each legal migrant who comes to live and work in the EU. It is imperative that the EU stops viewing Africa merely as a talent pool to exploit without reciprocation and recognizes the need for close collaboration with this continent to build its strategic autonomy and transform it into a power. Additionally, without active support and renewal, this talent reservoir risks drying up.

Combining Security, Humanity, and Economy

Emmanuel Macron’s call for a “powerful Europe” appears to be a “good impetus”—according to German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, who reacted to Macron’s speech in a tweet—and a rallying cry for a Union aspiring to combine security, humanity, and long-term economic vision. Coincidentally, at the same time, Polish Foreign Minister Radoslaw Sikorski, speaking before the Sejm, the lower house of Parliament, outlined his vision of Poland’s role in the European project in almost identical terms: “The EU has become a geopolitical project. Poland’s role is to support this process.”

Thus, within the Weimar Triangle, a cooperation platform bringing together Poland, France, and Germany, a shared political vision is emerging to strengthen Europe. This strategic vision for a “powerful Europe” calls for a renewal of EU migration policies, which should no longer be merely reactive and security-focused but also proactive, integrated into a comprehensive approach to sustainable development and North-South cooperation. This vital project for Europe will require not only bold proposals—like those put forward by Emmanuel Macron—but also an increased capacity to overcome internal divisions and rethink leadership dynamics within the European Union. In this context, a certainty emerges that the outgoing President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, discredited and seen as an obstacle to this vision, is probably no longer the right leader to carry this ambitious project forward.

Article written by Ghazi Ben Ahmed and translated from French by Jeune Afrique, on 21 May 2024

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L’article For a fair exchange between an aging Europe and a dynamic Africa est apparu en premier sur mdi-international.

The visit of Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni to Tunis on Wednesday, April 17th, did not bode well. It was her fourth visit to Tunis, and when adding Kais Saied’s two trips to Rome, it marked the sixth meeting between these two since their Faustian pact. The Italian Prime Minister arrived in Tunis with two of her ministers, including her Interior Minister Matteo Piantedosi, to reaffirm the migratory agreement and halt the arrival of migrants to Lampedusa.

This was an effort to show her voters and critics that her agreement is effective. On the other hand, Kais Saied finds himself in a tight spot. His nationalist/electoralist stance risks crumbling: endorsing Meloni’s demands, acting as her coast guard, accepting the return of migrants who passed through Tunisia and deporting them to the southern Tunisian desert in the Bir Al Fatnassya (1) camp contradicts his previous claims that Tunisia “should not serve as Europe’s border guard or a resettlement land for migrants rejected elsewhere (2).” This would also undermine his nationalist rhetoric ahead of the Tunisian presidential elections (if they take place).

Tunisia, Europe’s Border Guard

Due to its strategic location on the Mediterranean, Tunisia finds itself at the heart of the migratory crisis affecting Europe, particularly Italy. The proximity of Tunisian shores to the Italian island of Lampedusa has made coastal cities like Sfax crucial transit points for migrants seeking to reach Europe. Overcrowded and often unsafe boats regularly depart from Tunisian beaches, leading to a continuous stream of human tragedies and humanitarian crises at sea.

Under mounting pressure from the migratory crisis and with crucial European elections approaching for the Italian Prime Minister, a Faustian pact was struck between Giorgia Meloni and Kais Saied. The agreement aimed to prevent migrants from leaving Tunisian shores for Italy in exchange for European financial aid. Thus, European funds intended to stabilize the Tunisian economy and implement necessary economic reforms were diverted to an opaque migration fund that doesn’t address the root causes of migration.

This pact, which serves Italian interests by reducing the migrant flow to its shores, assigns Tunisia the role of Europe’s border guard, a position often criticized both locally and internationally. While the collaboration provides necessary economic support, it raises questions about Tunisia’s sovereignty and the ethics of European migration management practices.

Creating illusions

In the migration negotiations, Giorgia Meloni and Kais Saied opted for a deliberately vague Memorandum of Understanding, seeking to conceal the specific details of its implementation. This opacity was strategic; Saied preferred to avoid a clear understanding of the agreement, particularly that Tunisia would receive financial compensation for taking on the role of Europe’s border guard and for accepting migrants turned away by Italy. This arrangement allowed Saied to minimize internal criticism, avoiding damaging Tunisia’s sovereignty. Meanwhile, Meloni aimed to buy time and maintain the illusion that she could resolve the migration crisis, a key point on her political agenda. This illusion also captivated European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, who considered using this agreement as a model for future deals with other regional countries, strengthening Europe’s periphery as a barrier against illegal immigration.

Thus, Giorgia Meloni and Kais Saied play a duplicitous game. Neither can truly solve the migration crisis. To do so would require stabilizing the Tunisian economy first, and neither Italy has the time and capacity to do so, nor does Tunisia have the vision and ability. So, they settle for a status quo, trying to extract crumbs from the EU, with migrants being tossed around, sometimes under the olive trees in Sfax, sometimes in makeshift boats to Lampedusa.

Meloni excels at this, turning pumpkins into carriages. A training program becomes a strategic cooperation plan under the Mattei plan, and an invitation to the G7 is a poisoned gift for a leader seeking recognition. We sense the strained effort to impress, whether through jokes (mentioning Laurel and Hardy) or grandiose solutions aiming to change the world so that southern peoples can prosper.

Beyond this likely final visit of Meloni to Tunis, what should we remember about this duo with opposing views? On one hand, Meloni with her excessive ambition, not hesitating to deceive partners like Tunisia with dubious strategies or to sacrifice alliances for electoral gain, as she seems to do with the controversial Ursula von der Leyen. On the other hand, Kais Saied, the honest politician dreaming of changing the world, liberating Palestine, and reforming the International Monetary Fund (IMF), lecturing anyone who will listen but ultimately failing to even restore a local pool or national stadium, having to turn to powerful China to bail him out. This is our core problem: we think small! Even with all the power, like Kais Saied, who has defeated powerful organizations and unions, we stagnate. The socio-economic situation neither improves nor worsens. The president is isolated, poorly advised, and as the saying goes, the mind is not a vessel to be filled, but a fire to be kindled.

Tunisians will have to vote again in the upcoming elections, and they will have the choice to re-elect their “honest man” but this time with full knowledge.

In conclusion, like Faust, Kais Saied fails in his pact with Meloni. Presented as a cure-all, this alliance proves ineffective. Only a long-term agreement, within the framework of the EU-Tunisia association agreement, can offer viable and concrete solutions. Everything else is just smoke and mirrors.

(1) According to Romdhane Ben Amor, of the Tunisian Forum for Economic and Social Rights.

(2) Statement by Kaïs Saïed to Gérald Darmanin and Nancy Faeser, the French and German Interior Ministers, 20 June 2023.

Article written by Ghazi Ben Ahmed and translated from French by Business News Tunisia, on 17 April 2024

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L’article Tunisia and Italy: the moment of truth est apparu en premier sur mdi-international.

This policy of “externalizing” migration controls amounts to directly supporting dictators to do the “dirty work” and becoming the coast guards of the EU in exchange for a disguised rent under the Mattei Plan program, without any consideration for the root causes of migration.

Italy, under the leadership of Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, finds itself once again at the center of a major controversy, demonstrating the spectacular failure of its migration policy with fascist undertones. The recent arrival of over 1,500 undocumented migrants on the small Italian island of Lampedusa, located off the Tunisian coast, in just a day and a half, underscores the magnitude of the ongoing socio-economic and humanitarian crisis. This situation, far from being an isolated case, reveals the deep flaws in a short-term approach advocated by Meloni and funded by the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, concerning the management of migration flows on the eve of the June European elections.

This policy of “externalizing” migration controls amounts to directly supporting dictators to do the “dirty work” and become the coast guards of the EU in exchange for a rent. This strategy, which involves making ad hoc migration agreements with authoritarian regimes in Libya, Tunisia, and Egypt, in hopes of containing the influx of migrants (and sending them a negative signal), is failing miserably. This approach is proving to be a colossal failure, not only from a humanitarian standpoint but also in terms of efficiency and management of European public funds.
Meloni’s visit to Tunis on Wednesday, April 17, with the aim of demanding the Tunisian government to halt the migrant flow at least until the European elections in early June, against a rent disguised as a program under the Mattei Plan (another Meloni farce), highlights the urgency and desperation of the EU facing this crisis. This move, although pragmatic, perfectly illustrates the deadlock in which Europe finds itself thanks to Meloni/von der Leyen: attempting to negotiate agreements with countries whose political and economic stability is precarious, while neglecting the root causes of migration.

The failure of the EU’s policy of externalizing migration controls only exacerbates an already critical crisis, highlighting the absence of a coherent, humane, and effective European migration policy. It is imperative that the EU rethink its approach, emphasizing the protection of human rights, international solidarity, and sustainable development, rather than repressive measures and precarious agreements. The migration crisis is not just a logistical or security challenge; it is primarily a humanitarian crisis that requires a complex and multidimensional response.

In the current context, the debate on migration in Europe is often polarized between two extremes, each with its own shortcomings and consequences for the lives of migrants and the diaspora in regular situations.

On one hand, there is the naivety and inaction of some factions of the left, which, although starting from an intention of openness and solidarity, can sometimes lead to a lack of coherent policy. This gap only worsens the situation of migrants, regularizing their status without offering sustainable or integrated solutions. The lack of targeted actions to effectively integrate migrants into host societies can make their daily life more complex, exacerbating challenges related to employment, education, and social integration. This approach, although well-intentioned, risks creating conditions conducive to marginalization, thus fueling discourse and exploitation by extremists and affecting those who are well-integrated.

On the other hand, the brutality and calls from the far right, for whom the end justifies the means, offer a reductionist and dangerous view of migration management. The policies advocated by these groups are often characterized by border closures, detention, and repulsion of migrants, under the pretext of protecting national identity and security. This approach, far from solving the problems, only worsens the humanitarian crisis, violates human rights, and ignores the root causes of migration, such as conflicts, poverty, and climate change.

Faced with these extremes, the European Union stands at a crossroads. To move forward, it must develop a balanced and pragmatic migration policy, which recognizes both the need to protect migrants’ rights and the security of European citizens. Such a policy should include joint European measures to strengthen cooperation with origin and transit countries, in order to limit irregular migration flows while opening legal avenues for immigration. This requires constructive dialogue and cooperation agreements that go beyond simple financial aid, to address the root causes of migration: improving living conditions, creating economic opportunities, and supporting political and social reforms.
In the face of Russian aggression, the European Union must strengthen its security position and prepare for the transition to a war economy. Effective and strategic management of migration is essential in this context, as it meets the crucial needs for labor in key sectors such as agriculture, industry, services, and even the armed forces. Migrants not only provide the necessary labor to support these vital industries but also help maintain Europe’s economic competitiveness and defense capability.

Investing in the integration of regular migrants is therefore essential. Facilitating their access to education, training, the labor market, and social services will allow effective social inclusion, essential for internal cohesion and stability during periods of geopolitical tension. This rapid and effective integration maximizes not only their economic contribution but also strengthens long-term social resilience.

Furthermore, a proactive migration policy should be seen as a pillar of the EU’s national and economic security strategy. It should not only compensate for demographic decline but also increase economic production in times of crisis. A visionary European migration policy should therefore treat migration as a strategic opportunity to energize cultural diversity, economic growth, and social cohesion, thereby transforming migration challenges into advantages to strengthen the Union’s security and economic posture.

Therefore, it is imperative that the EU reconfigures its perception and management of migration, not as a threat but as a crucial lever in its arsenal for preparing for a war economy and national resilience. This approach will not only strengthen economic security but also Europe’s global stability in an uncertain international context.

Article written by Ghazi Ben Ahmed and translated from Italian by Le Huffington Post Italia, on 13 April 2024

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L’article Why Meloni-von der Leyen’s Strategy on Migrants is a Colossal Failure est apparu en premier sur mdi-international.

Josep Borrell, High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice-President of the European Commission has posted a new article in his blog: “Europe’s Demosthenes moment: putting defence at the centre of EU policies“.

The article discusses how power politics and various forms of warfare, including traditional conflicts and hybrid threats like cyberattacks, are reshaping the global landscape, posing significant risks to Europe. The EU has responded by placing defense at the core of its strategy, as outlined in the Strategic Compass introduced in 2022. This strategy was formulated in response to the increasing security challenges in Europe’s environment, drawing parallels to historical moments of mobilization against threats.

The EU is also enhancing its crisis response capabilities, with plans to operationalize a new EU Rapid Deployment Capacity for quick, autonomous reactions to crises. Investment in defense and support for the EU defense industry are also highlighted as crucial steps, with a call for increased, efficient spending on defense to meet current and future threats. The article concludes by acknowledging the progress made in EU defense and security but recognizes that much work remains to effectively counter the magnitude of the threats faced, calling for a significant advancement in European defense and defense industry.

However, the EU’s strategic pivot towards defense occurs against the backdrop of a significant demographic challenge: an ageing population. This demographic shift poses potential risks to the EU’s economic sustainability and its capacity to maintain a dynamic workforce. As the continent grapples with a decreasing birth rate and an increasing proportion of elderly citizens, the need for a younger, vibrant workforce becomes ever more critical.

In this context, the southern Mediterranean countries emerge as vital partners. These nations, characterized by their younger populations, could play a key role in addressing the EU’s demographic shortfall. The migration from these countries to the EU, if managed judiciously and humanely, represents not only a solution to the workforce challenge but also an opportunity to foster greater cultural diversity and economic dynamism within the EU.

Therefore, while the EU strengthens its defense mechanisms to tackle immediate threats, it must also look towards sustainable, long-term strategies that address its demographic challenges. Collaboration with SMCs in managing migration flows could serve as a crucial component of such strategies, benefiting both the EU and the nations of the Mediterranean basin. This dual approach—bolstering defense capabilities while simultaneously embracing the potential of migration—illustrates the complexity of modern governance, where security and demographic sustainability are intertwined.

Inspired by the latest article written by Josep Borell, EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice-President of the European Commission

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L’article Europe’s Demosthenes moment: putting defence at the centre of EU policies est apparu en premier sur mdi-international.

The optimism on display at the Italy-Africa Summit hosted in Rome on January 28-29 by the Italian government, gathering representatives from over 25 countries along with EU leadership, struggled to mask underlying contradictions of the event. Italy, under the leadership of Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, proclaimed its ambition to “work for the development of Africa in a new partnership of equals.” However, this statement appears to oscillate between naive hopes and political cunning, suggesting to some observers that this promise of a “partnership of equals” is deception rather than sincere. 

While Rome has ambitions to serve as a gateway into European markets for natural gas from Africa, the “Mattei Plan” is opaque about what Africa’s gains would be in this in terms of development. In such an atmosphere of high-flying promises and the reality of short-term European political and electoral interests, the Italy-Africa Summit could well turn out to be a new chapter in the long story a Europe-Africa relationship where speeches promising equality and partnership often mask imbalanced power dynamics and divergent interests.

On the one side, Italy as led by Meloni and her populist far-right coalition is asserting its desire to contribute to Africa’s progress under the guise of renewed and balanced cooperation. The Italian government’s flagship initiative aims to mobilize 5.5 billion euros for their proposed plan for African development over the next five to seven years by combining Italian cooperation envelopes and the country’s climate change fund—something vehemently contested by Italy’s opposition parties. 

Yet these promises are met with skepticism, and a number of African countries are voicing their discontent with what they perceive as European interference or imposition, even as they seek essential financial and economic support. In the eyes of many African leaders, Meloni’s promises ring hollow. For one, Italy developed its plan for Africa without input from African leadership. Furthermore, the funds pledged are not sufficient for providing sustainable, long-term solutions for the many issues facing the continent. Although the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia have shown their support through significant financial commitments, the added value of this summit and the fulfillment of its promises remain uncertain. 

The expressed intention to find synergies (and additional funding) with other programs, such as the EU’s Global Gateway, raises questions about the viability and sincerity of the commitments made in a context where intentions and tangible results appear more than uncertain. Also, energy needs are ostentatiously at the center of the initiative as the prominent role of Italy’s energy giant ENI in the plan clearly demonstrates.

Combating the root causes of migration remains central 

Another European actor—Germany—had previously explored a similar approach and ultimately rejected it due to its failure to achieve the expected results. Berlin sought to develop a new policy towards Africa independent of the EU or France–given France’s poor reputation as a former colonial power. In this bid to renew ties with Africa, Germany assured African partners that it had observed the mistakes made by the French, and that Berlin would apply a rational, methodological approach to its policy while avoiding paternalistic interference. 

Germany’s ambition at the time was just as “commendable” in form as that carried by Meloni today in that it advocated the end of the era of conventional development aid and favored the orientation of private investments towards the support of renewable energies and environmental preservation. Nevertheless, the migration crisis constitutes the persistent backdrop of these approaches, and Germany aspired to establish a new type of cooperation capable of retaining young potential emigrants in their home countries. Thus, to a large extent, to stem the migration flow, the German government articulated its new African strategy, primarily encouraging German companies to invest in Africa. But as is the case with Italy, stemming the flow of migrants to Europe was the ultimate driver behind Germany’s cooperation with Africa. And like the proposed Mattei Plan, this single-minded focus of the migration crisis prevented a comprehensive, multi-dimensional approach that could address the underlying issues driving emigration from Africa. 

It appears that Meloni’s government has failed to understand this lesson, continuing to prioritize migration over other issues. A controversial migration agreement between Italy and Libya has been automatically renewed for three years amid warnings by humanitarian organizations that this might make Rome and the European Union complicit in crimes against humanity.

The Memorandum of Understanding on Migration – signed on February 2, 2017, to provide Libyan authorities with financial and technical support to “combat illegal immigration” – was automatically renewed for a second time in 2022. 

Geopolitical context conducive to renewal 

Times are changing, and the international context is no longer conducive to unproductive quarrels and symbolic gestures. The current German government seems to have now understood that a paradigm shift is needed in Europe-African relations. In a recent statement, German Minister for Economic Cooperation and Development, Svenja Schulze (SPD), presented a revised German strategy for the African continent, saying that  “Africa is growing and changing enormously. Its evolution will shape the 21st century – and thus also the future of Germany and Europe.” This new strategic direction signals Germany’s intent to ingratiate itself into broader EU initiatives vis-à-vis Africa rather than pursue an independent path. This shift also marks a willingness to radically transform the relations between Europe and Africa by transcending the colonial legacy and addressing the historical imbalance of power between the continents. 

In fact, if EU leaders who attended Meloni’s summit in Rome are sincere in their interest in Africa—and not just seeking visibility and publicity ahead of the European election—they should emulate Germany’s strategic readjustment and focus on adjusting power imbalances between the two continents.

Europeans must recognize that over-reliance on historical and geographical ties, supposed to confer an advantage against competitors such as China, India, or Turkey, represents a strategic misinterpretation of the current state of Europe-Africa relations. Indeed, several African countries have established significant ties not only with China and Turkey but also, surprisingly after the war in Ukraine, in the field of military cooperation with Russia. The hesitation of many African countries to clearly position themselves in a conflict with such evident moral stakes has shocked the common sense of many in the West, but it should be a wakeup call that African countries do not feel like they must automatically support Europe. 

And if Europe’s objective is to really favor Africa’s sustainable and long-term development, it needs to move beyond the rhetoric of hydrocarbons, which even the “Mattei Plan” name—in honor of the founder of Italy’s major oil company Eni—embodies. To become a real strategic partner to the African continent, as expert Lorella Stella Martini of Ecco think tank indicated, Europe needs to focus on the opportunities presented by the green development and the energy transition, which in addition would be more in line with its own European Green Deal.

Africa needs to find its own alliances

Today, many African countries seek to break free from their traditional role in the global politics and adopt a proactive stance. States now wish to choose their partners autonomously without being drawn into alliances dictated by others. The criticisms from the Tunisian Foreign Ministry, which accuses the European Community of suffering “from a feeling of superiority and thinks that it is a model to follow while in reality, it is a minority” should be understood in this context. Although this sentiment might be shared by many in the region, it is time to move beyond such unproductive statements and see Europe for what it is, a chance and an opportunity for the development of the continent and to face global challenges together. As the Malian writer Amadou Hampâté Bâ so aptly said, “Partnerships between nations should not be mirrors reflecting the asymmetries of the past but windows open to the possibilities of a shared future.” 

And there is much room for envisioning this shared future—the destinies of Europe and Africa are inextricably intertwined. Currently, the European Union positions itself as Africa’s main commercial partner, concentrating more than 30 percent of the continent’s external trade exchanges. Meanwhile Europe, in its quest for energy diversification, needs Africa for its natural gas supply. With the announcement of the imminent exploitation of vast gas fields off the west coast of Africa, including reserves estimated at 2.83 trillion cubic meters between Senegal and Mauritania, Africa is emerging as a key player in this sector. Algeria, ranked the tenth largest gas producer in the world, along with Nigeria, Angola, Egypt, and Libya, could become essential pivots to reduce European dependence on Russian gas. 

However, the success of this strategy requires reciprocal collaboration. Africa must tackle corruption and poor governance that persist on the continent—scourges long neglected, and in some cases even exploited, by Western countries. For its part, Europe must recognize and support Africa’s rising influence on the world stage by aligning its actions with African priorities without compromising on the values that underpin it: respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law, and respect for human rights, including those of minorities. 

This dynamic can only flourish through the harmonious commitment of EU member states, a sine qua non condition for synergy with the overall visions of the European Commission. Any unilateral strategy of a member state, primarily focused on managing immigration in its African policy, is inherently doomed to failure. This was notably manifested with the Memorandum of Understanding on Migration, spearheaded by the Italian Prime Minister. When they started negotiating the details for the implementation of an anti-migration policy, Tunisia backtracked, saying that it cannot serve as the EU’s coastguard.

There is reason to fear that the Mattei Plan is merely an extension of this memorandum, turning African leaders gathered in Rome into mere coast guards for the EU in exchange for a few micro-projects in renewable energies, or even gas. Such an orientation not only risks undermining the depth and richness of Euro-African relations but also reduces African heads of state to peripheral roles, far from the balanced and mutually beneficial cooperation that should characterize the ties between the two continents. Moreover, such a deal raises grave concerns for human rights violations, as Italian authorities are fully aware that the tools they are potentially providing will be instrumental to more human rights violations in Libya and in Tunisia. The Memorandum of Understanding on Migration – signed on February 2, 2017, to provide Libyan authorities with financial and technical support to “combat illegal immigration” – was automatically renewed for a second time in 2022. This renewal occurred amid warnings by humanitarian organizations that this might make Rome and the European Union complicit in crimes against humanity.

Implementation of the Mattei Plan legitimizes Meloni’s racist anti-immigration policy and whitewashes the thousands of migrants deported to the Libyan desert, where they are vulnerable to extortion, abuse, and murder. 

Africa must not be reduced to a role of detention zone for Italy. For many African observers, right now the Mattei plan looks increasingly like a proposal with fascist undertones where Giorgia Meloni would recklessly pump African gas and carelessly deport migrants.

Article co-authored by Andrea Cellino (Head of North Africa at Middle East Institute Switzerland) and Ghazi Ben Ahmed, (President and Founder of Mediterranean Development Initiative) for the Fikra Forum platform, 9 February 2024

L’article Italy-Africa Summit 2024: A Facade of Partnership? est apparu en premier sur mdi-international.