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Opinion: ‘With his encyclical, Léon returns to the roots of Christian anthropology to offer an analysis of absolute modernity’

Ghazi Ben Ahmed — Tue, 29 Sep 2026 15:29:23 +0000

It is “on the forgotten shore where the thought of measure was born” that Pope Leo XIV’s first encyclical “finds its deepest roots”, writes Ghazi Ben Ahmed, founder of the Mediterranean Development Initiative and a scientific collaborator at the ULB. With this text, the Pope summons Saint Augustine to the bedside of the twenty-first century.

By the theological intensity and urgency of its cry, the new encyclical Magnifica Humanitas already establishes itself as a pivotal text. Faced with the res novae of our age — the advent of artificial intelligence, the temptation of transhumanism, and the dematerialisation of consciousness — the Supreme Pontiff does not adopt the posture of a technical censor. As a great heir to Saint Augustine, he returns to the sources of Christian anthropology in order to offer a diagnosis of absolute modernity.

Behind the concepts of algorithms and robotics, it is the gigantic shadow of the Bishop of Hippo that looms over every line of this text. But this genius has a face, and that face is Mediterranean: it is from Carthage — that long-forgotten African shore, cradle of the thought of measure against excess — that Augustine learns to doubt before he hopes, to understand limitation as the condition of greatness. The Pope does not merely quote Augustine; he thinks with him. And in order to disarm the traps of contemporary technonarcissism, it is once again from this deep Mediterranean that the light reaches him.

Babel 2.0: The Resurgence of the Libido Dominandi

From the very introduction, the framework is established: humanity hesitates between “erecting a new Tower of Babel or building the holy city”. Here we find ourselves once again plunged into the heart of the masterful dialectic of The City of God.
For Saint Augustine, human history is the theatre of a struggle between two loves: love of self unto contempt of God, and love of God unto contempt of self. By transposing this myth into the digital age, the Pope brilliantly identifies the secret engine of the technocratic paradigm: the temptation of self-sufficiency, the dream of a technical power capable of abolishing the creaturely condition of lack; the madness of mastery, with AI erected not as an instrument of emancipation but as an instrument of control and pure performance.

What the text calls the “culture of power” is nothing other than the Augustinian libido dominandi — that passion for domination which today dresses itself in lines of code and delegates to machines the power over life and death.

“There is no algorithm capable of making war morally acceptable” — Magnifica Humanitas, Chapter V — an echo of Augustine’s words: “Take away justice, and what are kingdoms but great bands of robbers?”

The Praise of Limitation in the Face of the Posthuman Mirage

The most audacious contribution of the encyclical lies in its rehabilitation of human vulnerability. Where the prophets of Silicon Valley see the biological body as a defect to be corrected, the Pope reminds us that the human being does not flourish in spite of limitation, but often through it.

This thought was not born in a Cambridge laboratory, nor in a Palo Alto start-up. It was born on the southern shore of the Mediterranean. Carthage, that metropolis of the ancient world, was the place where the tension between the hybris of power and the wisdom of finitude was first forged. Augustine was both its heir and the one who transcended it. By stressing that AIs “do not live through experience, possess no body, know neither joy nor pain”, the Pope draws an impassable anthropological boundary: the machine calculates; only the human being experiences meaning.

This is precisely what the Mare Nostrum has always known: that greatness is not measured by the power of armies or the sophistication of tools, but by the capacity to inhabit one’s own finitude with lucidity. From Clitomachus to Augustine, from Carthage to Hippo, this African shore of the Mediterranean forged a thought of measure that neither conquering Rome nor triumphant Silicon Valley has ever managed to produce.

The Great Return to Inwardness

In an age of absolute externalisation — where our memories are archived in the cloud and our decisions entrusted to command prompts — Magnifica Humanitas concludes with a fervent call to divine indwelling. To invite humanity to rediscover the place “where God desires to dwell” is to reactivate the most famous secret of the Confessions: Tu eras interior intimo meo — “you were more inward to me than my innermost self”.

This formula is not the conclusion of a mystic withdrawn from the world. It is the culmination of a life that began amid the agitation of Carthage, passed through doubt and excess, and ultimately found in embraced limitation the path to truth. It is from this Mediterranean experience — made of crossings, ruptures, and intense flashes of light against the backdrop of the sea — that Augustine still speaks, through the encyclical, to our disoriented century.

Ultimately, Magnifica Humanitas is not a text of retreat, but a compass of hope. By summoning the wisdom of the son of Carthage, Leo XIV reminds us that the true magnificence of the human being will never be measured by the power of his servers, but by his capacity to remain human, fragile, and profoundly connected to the other.

Faced with the dizzying promises of artificial intelligence, the two shores of the Mediterranean may be rediscovering that they share the same anxiety and the same hope. For in the face of the technological powers reshaping our human condition, no civilisation will make the crossing alone. Faced with the desert of silicon, it is once again from this African shore of the Mediterranean — where Augustine learned to doubt before he hoped — that the light we need reaches us.

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Tunisia: a possible US – facilitated recovery?

Ghazi Ben Ahmed — Thu, 27 Nov 2025 21:38:14 +0000

Tunisia has the possibility to explore a new approach towards economic recovery beyond its traditional resources (agriculture, phosphates, tourism, mechanical wares, real estate opportunities, energy projects, etc.) by exploiting the healthcare services sector with European customers and US investors.
Singapore’s case could provide some inspirations, but the essential requirements are a careful navigation of the complexities of its forthcoming transition and avoiding the repetition of past missteps.

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A nation drained: The alarming rise of Tunisian migration among youth

Ahmed Lagha — Mon, 27 Oct 2025 21:13:00 +0000

More than 150,000 Tunisians have left their country over the past five years (2019–2024) to settle abroad. This figure is almost double the number of departures recorded during the 2009–2014 period.

In 2022, 1,816,833 Tunisians—representing 15.4% of the population—were registered as TRE (Tunisians Residing Abroad), which amounts to roughly one out of every seven citizens.

The conclusion is clear: Tunisian migration has intensified over the past decade, especially among young people. A genuine brain drain is underway, and engineering and medicine—sectors in high demand worldwide—are the most affected by this outward migration.

According to an official statement by the Dean of Tunisian Engineers, Kamel Sahnoun, in 2025, 39,000 engineers out of 90,000 registered with the Order of Engineers have left Tunisia to settle abroad. The country trains approximately 8,000 engineers each year, and on average, 20 engineers emigrate every day, further worsening the shortage of qualified labor in several key sectors.

Even more alarming, in 2025, out of a graduating class of 1,900 Tunisian doctors, 1,600 left Tunisia to work abroad.

The Tunisian brain drain reveals a deep imbalance between the country’s human potential and its national ability to retain and utilize it.

Tunisia invests substantially in training its engineers, doctors, and researchers, but the benefits of this investment materialize abroad, in countries that are better equipped to absorb and value this talent.

According to the International Organization for Migration (IOM – UN Migration), the majority of young Tunisians who emigrate cite as their main motivations: lack of professional opportunities, low salaries, and limited career prospects.

For example, Tunisia is now the leading provider of foreign doctors in France, after Morocco. And without significant economic and social improvements, these numbers are likely to rise in the future.

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“America First” Meets Tunisia: Trump’s Next Strategic Investment Move

Ghazi Ben Ahmed — Wed, 06 Aug 2025 18:17:19 +0000

As the populist chapter of Kaïs Saied’s rule nears its end, and his throne begins to wobble under the weight of a desperate and disillusioned population, Tunisia stands at a pivotal crossroads. Though re-elected in the contested October 2024 elections, Saied emerges politically diminished, his domestic legitimacy eroded, and his international isolation deepening. Rather than charting a new course, he clings to symbolic gestures and ideological posturing.

His recent meeting with Trump senior adviser for Africa, Massad Boulos, exemplified this drift. Marketed as a sovereign pivot, it instead revealed a president on the defensive, exploiting the tragedy in Gaza to flatter his base by humiliating the American envoy. The performance, intended to project strength, instead laid bare the regime’s fragility — revealing a president increasingly detached from political reality and blind to the country’s pressing economic crises.

Behind Saied’s rhetoric of “diversification” lies no coherent economic vision. China, despite being touted as an alternative, supports IMF-backed reforms and shows little interest in a high-risk partnership. Russia is crippled by war and sanctions; Iran offers ideology, not investment. These alignments do not serve the Tunisian people, they serve a regime in search of legitimacy, propped up by authoritarian allies willing to turn a blind eye.

What is presented as sovereign diplomacy is, in reality, an empty last stand, a clumsy performance aimed at the United States, a power Kaïs Saied openly despises and deeply fears, in a desperate attempt to cling to power and deflect attention from his failures under the guise of anti-imperialist bravado.

A new future is possible

Today, Tunisia is ready to turn the page on a troubled chapter marked by economic stagnation, political instability, and diminished freedoms.

The nation finds itself at a crossroads, presented with a historic opportunity to reshape its future and reassert its role as a dynamic and influential player in the global economy. Healthcare, in particular, offers a strategic avenue for growth, positioning Tunisia as a potential regional hub of medical excellence. By drawing inspiration from Singapore’s model, the country could attract world-class investment and expertise, particularly from the United States. However, seizing this opportunity will require Tunisia to carefully navigate the complexities of its forthcoming transition and avoid repeating the missteps of the past.

A Multi-Billion-Dollar Opportunity for U.S. Firms

Tunisia is uniquely positioned to emerge as a premier medical hub in the Mediterranean region, driven by its advanced private healthcare infrastructure, highly competitive operational costs, and strategic geographic location, conveniently accessible from both Europe and Africa. By attracting European patients who seek not only cost-effective and high-quality medical care but also timely treatment unavailable due to extensive waiting lists in their home countries, Tunisia stands to substantially boost its economy, effectively address the increasing demand for prompt medical services, and significantly enhance its international standing as a trusted healthcare destination.

Healthcare spending in Europe has been increasing steadily, reaching 1,35 trillion euros in 2024. Given that approximately 20%-30% of this expenditure involves elective procedures, Tunisia stands to gain access to a market exceeding €100 billion annually by capturing even a modest 10% share.

In this context, U.S. companies and healthcare providers are poised to seize a multi-billion-dollar opportunity by developing hospitals, clinics, and training centers that serve European and African patients. Furthermore, these investments would strengthen U.S.-Tunisia relations, amplifying American influence in the Mediterranean region and ensuring Tunisia remains aligned with the U.S. rather than drifting eastward into the embrace of Iran or Russia. Yet, troubling signs already loom on the horizon: since June 15, 2024, Iranians have enjoyed visa-free entry into Tunisia, quietly planting seeds of influence whose bitter harvest we may soon reap. This policy is part of a broader strategy by Kais Saied to deepen political, trade, and cultural ties with the Iranian regime, a move that raises serious concerns about the geopolitical and domestic ramifications of aligning Tunisia with such a repressive and destabilizing force.

Simultaneously, Russia, freshly expelled from Syria, actively searches for fertile ground upon which to anchor a new naval base—its eyes now set firmly upon Tunisia’s strategic shores.

Amid growing geopolitical threats, Tunisia has a brief but critical window to redefine its path. The post-populist transition will be crucial, as any delay risks missed opportunities and increased external vulnerability.

Positioning Tunisia as a premier medical hub could serve as a cornerstone of this transition. By addressing critical regulatory and logistical hurdles in the healthcare sector, Tunisia can attract world-class investment and expertise. Crafting comprehensive bilateral agreements with key European countries would streamline reimbursement processes, facilitate patient mobility, and ensure alignment with EU medical standards. Additionally, adopting successful models such as partnerships between American healthcare giants like Johns Hopkins or Mayo Clinic and medical hubs in the UAE or Singapore could reduce European skepticism toward healthcare services outside the EU.

A crucial two-year transition

With Tunisia nearing the end of a turbulent political cycle, the country will require a two-year transition to lay the groundwork for credible reforms and renewed investor confidence—delivering quick wins while shaping a long-term economic strategy.

While healthcare holds long-term promise, Tunisia’s immediate gains lie in its rich phosphate reserves, military collaboration, tourism and real estate opportunities, energy projects, and active regional diplomacy.

Notably, phosphate, though not currently on the U.S. Geological Survey’s Critical Minerals List, is gaining attention, with industry groups like The Fertilizer Institute pushing for its inclusion. Its crucial role in American agriculture aligns with the “America First” agenda, offering quick wins for the Trump administration while boosting Tunisia’s stability and economy.

Tunisia could attract U.S. investments by mirroring Singapore’s stability, infrastructure, and pro-business policies, but it must first tackle corruption, bureaucracy, and instability. That will be among the objectives of Tunisia’s post-populist two-year transition. Initiatives such as special investment zones offering streamlined regulations and incentives could create immediate economic momentum.

To further reassure American investors, and shield itself from hostile neighbors, Tunisia should also replicate Singapore’s nuanced strategy of protecting investments through robust legal guarantees, economic alignment, and a carefully balanced strategic military presence—one that stops short of a full U.S. military base but still signals security and reliability. Tunisian success stories would act as powerful driver for expanding American influence and economic interests into Libya and across the Region.

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Healthcare Hub: A New Strategic Partnership Between MDI and NYU Urban Lab!

Ghazi Ben Ahmed — Fri, 18 Jul 2025 21:01:00 +0000

The Mediterranean Development Initiative (MDI) is proud to announce a groundbreaking partnership with the NYU Urban Lab. This collaboration marks a major step toward transforming Tunisia into a regional hub for healthcare innovation and medical tourism, combining regional insight with global expertise.

At the heart of this initiative is a shared vision: to develop forward-thinking business strategies that support Tunisia’s economic transformation and unlock its full potential.

“Over the next twelve months, we plan to recruit Tunisian experts from MDI to join NYU Urban Lab student researchers and faculty to jointly explore how Tunisia can scale its healthcare ecosystem,” said Professor Matthew Kwatinetz, Director of NYU Urban Lab. “By leveraging NYU’s experience in large-scale urban systems and economic development, from New York to Africa, we aim to co-create pathways for investment, innovation, and inclusive growth in Tunisia’s healthcare sector.”

This strategic collaboration will focus on:
• Designing actionable frameworks for sustainable investment in the healthcare sector,
• Promoting entrepreneurship and modernization in medical services,
• Positioning Tunisia as a gateway for regional healthcare solutions.

“This agreement marks a critical milestone in our mission to reimagine Tunisia’s role in the Mediterranean,” said Ghazi Ben Ahmed, Founder and Executive Director of MDI. “By aligning rigorous research with pragmatic investment strategies, we are building the foundation for a dynamic, open, and resilient Tunisia.”

A Stepping Stone for United States -Tunisia Cooperation :

This initiative also lays the groundwork for expanding U.S. investment in Tunisia, deepening connections with American academic, philanthropic, and financial institutions. By embedding global standards of innovation, transparency, and opportunity creation, MDI aims to foster lasting partnerships that support Tunisia’s long-term development.

The Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between MDI and NYU Urban Lab will pave the way for:
• Joint research programs,
• Inclusive policy dialogues,
• Student and expert exchanges that empower a new generation of Tunisian leaders and entrepreneurs.

An Open Call for Support :

Mediterranean Development Initiative and NYU Urban Lab invite foundations, development agencies, financial institutions, and philanthropic partners to join this ambitious effort. Funding and collaboration opportunities are available for those committed to advancing:
• Sustainable development,
• Healthcare innovation,
• Inclusive economic growth in Tunisia and across the Mediterranean region.

Let’s work together to make Tunisia a model for regional healthcare transformation and a beacon of economic resilience.

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The legal and moral failings of Meloni’s Albania deportation deal

Ghazi Ben Ahmed — Wed, 27 Nov 2024 05:14:59 +0000

The border externalisation strategy promoted by Italy’s Georgia Meloni government represents a political and legal failure, highlighting the contradictions of a hardline rhetoric against irregular immigration. Since coming to power, the government has promised an uncompromising defense of Italy’s borders.

However, this ambition has translated into an attempt to shift the management of migration outside national borders through agreements such as the one signed with Albania. Presented as an innovative solution, this strategy faces significant legal and practical limitations, raising serious questions about its compliance with European and international law while proving ineffective and counterproductive.

The Italy-Albania protocol, signed on 6 November 2023, commits Albania to providing land free of charge for five years, where Italy has built, at its own expense, facilities for the detention of migrants.

These facilities include hotspots for rapid processing and repatriation centers for deportation.

Migrants detained in these centres would be subject to procedures under Italian law: if their asylum requests were approved, they would be transferred to Italy; if denied, they would be deported.

However, if deportation was not possible within 18 months, the migrants would still be returned to Italy.

The protocol explicitly excludes the possibility of migrants remaining in Albania, creating an evident contradiction: either migrants violate the agreement by attempting to escape, or the centre would have the same effect as a facility located in Italy, but with significantly higher costs.

Beyond these operational shortcomings, the protocol raises serious legal issues and lacks adequate guarantees for migrants.

The absence of clear provisions for transportation and compliance with European legal procedures conflicts with standards established by the European Court of Human Rights, as in the Hirsi Jamaa and Others v. Italy case, which prohibits migration procedures without proper legal safeguards.

Furthermore, independent reports have documented discriminatory treatment of asylum seekers in Albania, compounded by often inhumane conditions in detention centres.

This approach, beyond violating fundamental rights, subjects individuals to the trauma of detention, even if they ultimately end up being admitted to Italy.

ECJ ruling throws spanner in the works

The recent ruling by the European Court of Justice has further complicated the Italian government’s position. The court determined that a country can only be considered “safe” if safety is guaranteed uniformly across its entire territory.

This interpretation led the Rome Tribunal to invalidate the detention in Albania of 12 asylum seekers from countries like Bangladesh and Egypt, which do not meet the criteria for being deemed safe.

Judges ordered the transfer of these migrants to Italy, confirming that border externalisation cannot be used as a pretext to circumvent obligations under European law.

While Italy’s externalisation strategy faces mounting challenges, it is worrying to see other European countries showing interest in adopting similar approaches.

The UK, under Labour prime minister Keir Starmer, has expressed keen interest in learning from Meloni’s policies.

During a recent visit to Rome, Starmer praised Italy’s “remarkable progress” in curbing migration flows and combating smuggling networks.

Following a tragic shipwreck in the English Channel, which claimed the lives of eight migrants, Starmer expressed a desire to replicate agreements like those between Italy and Albania to manage migration more effectively.

This marks a significant departure from his previous criticisms of the Conservative government’s controversial Rwanda deportation plan, which he had dismissed as a “costly gimmick.”

While the Rwanda plan was ultimately ruled illegal by British courts, Starmer’s interest in externalisation agreements raises questions about the direction of UK migration policy and its potential alignment with Italy’s contentious model.

This policy also fails to address long-term implications.

The agreement with Albania is limited to five years. What will happen afterward?

Additionally, if EU candidate countries like Albania are pressured to manage part of Europe’s asylum procedures, it becomes difficult to imagine how they could resist increasing demands from the EU, given their reliance on European support for accession processes.

The idea of outsourcing asylum procedures beyond EU borders not only represents a false solution but also risks setting a precedent that other countries — or even the EU itself — could adopt, with high costs and no tangible impact on the structural issues of migration.

The construction of the Gjadër centre cost €60m, and its maintenance generates significant expenses, including for police, prison staff, medical personnel, and other officials.

Even while inactive, the centre continues to incur high operational costs to prevent its deterioration, while the operation of the transfer ship costs approximately €15,000 per day. This expensive policy is not only unsustainable but also proves ineffective in achieving its stated objectives.

Thus, the strategy of border externalisation benefits neither asylum seekers nor the implementing countries nor the transit countries, while severely undermining the fundamental principles of European law.

When will governments finally focus on real solutions, such as equitable distribution among member states and expedited, efficient procedures? Only through respect for human rights and legal norms can the challenges of migration be addressed with seriousness and responsibility.

This article was co-authored by Laila Sahnoune and Ghazi Ben Ahmed, researchers at Mediterranean Development Initiative, a Euro-Mediterranean think tank dedicated to analysing and promoting strategic solutions for sustainable development, regional cooperation and public policy in the Euro-Mediterranean region. The article was published on euobserver.com, an online non-profit news outlet reporting on the European Union.

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Un pari perdant : La pression maximale de Trump face à l’agenda agressif de l’Iran

Ghazi Ben Ahmed — Mon, 25 Nov 2024 18:52:25 +0000

Lors de son premier mandat, Donald Trump a quitté l’accord nucléaire de 2015 (JCPOA) et lancé une campagne de “pression maximale” contre l’Iran. Bien que les sanctions aient lourdement frappé l’économie iranienne, elles n’ont pas réussi à obtenir un nouvel accord ni à modifier les comportements stratégiques de Téhéran. Aujourd’hui, en vue de son deuxième mandat, Trump semble prêt à relancer cette stratégie. Cependant, “Maximum Pressure 2.0” est vouée à l’échec, pour des raisons similaires à celles de son précédent mandat.

La campagne de pression maximale vise à forcer l’Iran à accepter des concessions majeures : le démantèlement de sites nucléaires, des restrictions sur son programme balistique et une réduction de son soutien aux groupes armés régionaux. Cependant, ces demandes ont déjà été catégoriquement rejetées lors de précédentes négociations. Même en brandissant une menace militaire implicite, Trump se heurterait à une réalité stratégique : l’Iran sait que les États-Unis, concentrés sur leur rivalité stratégique avec la Chine, n’ont aucun intérêt à se lancer dans un nouveau conflit militaire au Moyen-Orient. Dans ce contexte, Téhéran pourrait proposer un accord limité, comme une réduction de son stock d’uranium enrichi, tout en refusant de céder sur des points clés. Un tel compromis, bien en deçà du JCPOA, soulignerait les limites de cette stratégie et l’échec de la pression maximale.

Les exportations de pétrole, cruciales pour l’économie iranienne, ont été une cible principale des sanctions américaines. Sous Trump, elles sont passées de plus de 2 millions de barils par jour (b/j) en 2018 à moins de 600 000 b/j en 2019. Cependant, sous l’administration Biden, un relâchement dans l’application des sanctions a permis à l’Iran de remonter à 1,8 million de b/j, principalement grâce à la Chine. Trump et ses alliés envisagent de réimposer des restrictions plus strictes pour asphyxier l’économie iranienne, mais ces efforts risquent d’être contournés par le commerce parallèle et le soutien d’alliés comme la Russie.

Contrairement à 2018, les alliés des États-Unis au Moyen-Orient, tels que l’Arabie saoudite, ne soutiennent plus cette approche de confrontation. Grâce à une médiation chinoise, Riyad a entamé un rapprochement diplomatique avec Téhéran, privilégiant désormais la stabilité régionale à une escalade des tensions. Craignant une reprise des attaques sur ses infrastructures pétrolières, l’Arabie saoudite s’oppose à des actions susceptibles de raviver des hostilités. Par ailleurs, une reprise de la stratégie de pression maximale risquerait de déstabiliser davantage une région déjà fragile, exacerbant les tensions sans fournir de solution durable au problème nucléaire.

Le défi d’un changement de régime

Malgré les sanctions, l’Iran continue de contourner les restrictions avec le soutien de partenaires comme la Corée du Nord et la Russie. En parallèle, le régime des mollahs renforce son influence régionale à travers ses proxys, armant et finançant des groupes au sein du “croissant chiite” en Irak, en Syrie, au Liban et au Yémen. Plus préoccupant encore, l’Iran cherche désormais à étendre son influence jusqu’en Tunisie, où il finance la construction de plusieurs mosquées chiites – une première dans l’histoire moderne de ce pays à majorité sunnite malékite. Le chiisme, longtemps marginal en Tunisie, voit sa présence croître depuis la révolution iranienne de 1979, favorisée par des associations soutenues par le régime iranien. Ces efforts soulignent un agenda expansionniste qui pourrait transformer la Tunisie en un nouveau proxy de l’Iran. Une telle évolution risque de fracturer davantage la société tunisienne, alors que des voix conservatrices dénoncent déjà cette montée d’influence.

L’expérience de 2018-2020 montre que la “pression maximale” renforce les factions les plus dures en Iran, qui exploitent la menace extérieure pour justifier une répression accrue. Malgré une économie affaiblie, Téhéran a non seulement poursuivi son programme nucléaire, mais a également intensifié son soutien aux groupes armés régionaux. En outre, cette politique unilatérale alimente la méfiance des partenaires européens et régionaux des États-Unis, érodant leur soutien et compliquant toute tentative de réponse coordonnée aux défis posés par l’Iran.

La stratégie de “pression maximale” a déjà montré ses limites et échouera à produire des résultats significativement différents cette fois-ci. Elle risque non seulement d’aggraver l’instabilité régionale, mais aussi de nuire à la crédibilité des États-Unis sur la scène internationale. Face à l’agenda agressif du régime iranien, illustré par son influence croissante dans les pays de la région, de la péninsule arabique jusqu’en Afrique du nord, il devient évident que toute tentative de compromis ou de coopération internationale sans s’attaquer directement à l’arsenal nucléaire iranien ne sera qu’un leurre. Les politiques fondées sur des sanctions économiques ou des négociations limitées n’ont jusqu’ici pas réussi à freiner les ambitions stratégiques de Téhéran. Si les États-Unis souhaitent réellement contenir les ambitions régionales de l’Iran et restaurer une forme de stabilité, leur stratégie doit aller au-delà d’une simple pression économique ou militaire et viser un changement de régime à Téhéran.

Une telle politique, combinée à une action résolue contre le programme nucléaire iranien, mettrait les pays du Golfe devant le fait accompli. Bien que ces derniers puissent initialement hésiter, ils finiraient par se rallier aux États-Unis en comprenant que cette fois-ci, l’objectif de Trump serait d’en finir avec le régime des mollahs, ouvrant la voie à une nouvelle ère politique pour l’Iran. Cela pourrait inclure le retour de figures comme le Chah d’Iran Reza Pahlavi, qui symbolise une alternative laïque et pro-occidentale. Une telle démarche, bien qu’ambitieuse, pourrait redéfinir l’équilibre régional en affaiblissant définitivement l’influence iranienne et en offrant une vision claire d’un Moyen-Orient débarrassé de la menace du régime actuel.

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Let’s celebrate World Africa Day!

Ahmed Lagha — Sat, 25 May 2024 20:23:35 +0000

On this World Africa Day, let’s celebrate our continent and its unmatched growth potential! Rich in natural resources, endowed with exceptional biodiversity, and energized by a dynamic youth, Africa remains a fertile ground for opportunity.

However, this growth must be supported by a strong commitment to environmental protection. Our unique ecosystems and biodiversity are treasures we must preserve for future generations. Sustainable management of our natural resources is essential to ensure harmonious and respectful development of our planet.

By investing in green technologies, promoting sustainable agricultural practices, and strengthening our conservation policies, we can build a future where prosperity and environmental protection go hand in hand. Together, let’s care for our land, celebrate our riches, and work towards a future where Africa shines as an example of balanced and sustainable growth.

From North Africa to Central and South, let’s celebrate our continent, the cradle of humanity, as it deserves!

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For a fair exchange between an aging Europe and a dynamic Africa

Ghazi Ben Ahmed — Thu, 23 May 2024 03:42:10 +0000

In his speech on April 25th about the European project, French President Emmanuel Macron called for a strategic leap to prevent the decline of Europe. According to Ghazi Ben Ahmed, this leap also requires the implementation of a policy that both controls entries into the EU and opens legal pathways for migration.

Aging population, declining workforce … Because pressing demographic challenges threaten its economic competitiveness and the sustainability of its social protection systems, Europe can no longer afford to ignore the economic and social implications of immigration, especially if it aims to move towards a wartime economy and strategic autonomy.

Neither Laxity Nor Populism

The new European executive, particularly within the Schengen area, must lead the establishment of innovative cooperations and develop policies based on a renewed narrative, without yielding to either laxity or authoritarian populism. The currently proposed models have proven ineffective, as evidenced by the memorandums of understanding that the European Union has signed with Tunisia and Egypt to externalize migration management. These agreements only serve to strengthen authoritarian regimes, disregarding the fate of migrants and the inhumane treatment they often endure.

Similarly, subcontracting agreements like those concluded by the United Kingdom or Italy, which envisage transferring migrants to third countries, often far from their countries of origin, must be reevaluated. These practices, far from solving problems, simply shift responsibilities and exacerbate the ethical issues related to migration. This was highlighted by Emmanuel Macron in his recent speech at the Sorbonne, where he condemned such actions as a “geopolitics of cynicism that betrays our values, builds new dependencies, and will prove totally ineffective.”

A balanced European solution does not involve retreating inward but effectively protecting borders against a massive influx of irregular migrants while scrupulously respecting human rights and promoting legal and chosen migration. It is crucial to implement policies that not only control entries but also simultaneously open legal pathways for migration.

Prioritizing Short-Term Mobility

To open these legal pathways, we could design visas for short-term migration or mobility based on temporary contracts, renewable for five years, allowing migrants to work in Europe for six to nine months per year before returning to their home country and ensuring they can come back the following year. These measures would have the advantage of meeting labor needs in key sectors while allowing migrants to maintain strong ties with their home countries, thus promoting economic development through acquired skills and remittances. Furthermore, such an approach would enhance social cohesion in Europe by reducing tensions and combating negative stereotypes associated with immigration. This implies that African partners also have their share of responsibility and obligations so that everyone benefits.

The challenge, therefore, lies in finding a balance between the demands of the EU and those of its southern neighbors. The new European executive and member states must address both illegal and legal migration. This means, on one hand, humanely treating illegal migrants that southern countries will commit to taking back and, on the other hand, offering southern countries some form of compensation for each legal migrant who comes to live and work in the EU. It is imperative that the EU stops viewing Africa merely as a talent pool to exploit without reciprocation and recognizes the need for close collaboration with this continent to build its strategic autonomy and transform it into a power. Additionally, without active support and renewal, this talent reservoir risks drying up.

Combining Security, Humanity, and Economy

Emmanuel Macron’s call for a “powerful Europe” appears to be a “good impetus”—according to German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, who reacted to Macron’s speech in a tweet—and a rallying cry for a Union aspiring to combine security, humanity, and long-term economic vision. Coincidentally, at the same time, Polish Foreign Minister Radoslaw Sikorski, speaking before the Sejm, the lower house of Parliament, outlined his vision of Poland’s role in the European project in almost identical terms: “The EU has become a geopolitical project. Poland’s role is to support this process.”

Thus, within the Weimar Triangle, a cooperation platform bringing together Poland, France, and Germany, a shared political vision is emerging to strengthen Europe. This strategic vision for a “powerful Europe” calls for a renewal of EU migration policies, which should no longer be merely reactive and security-focused but also proactive, integrated into a comprehensive approach to sustainable development and North-South cooperation. This vital project for Europe will require not only bold proposals—like those put forward by Emmanuel Macron—but also an increased capacity to overcome internal divisions and rethink leadership dynamics within the European Union. In this context, a certainty emerges that the outgoing President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, discredited and seen as an obstacle to this vision, is probably no longer the right leader to carry this ambitious project forward.

Article written by Ghazi Ben Ahmed and translated from French by Jeune Afrique, on 21 May 2024

L’article For a fair exchange between an aging Europe and a dynamic Africa est apparu en premier sur mdi-international.

Algiers, Tunis and Rabat: relations soured?

Ahmed Lagha — Mon, 29 Apr 2024 08:42:13 +0000

The neutrality advocated by Bourguiba in the conflict between Morocco and Algeria, particularly regarding the Western Sahara issue, is now under threat. Tensions persist in the Maghreb, notably due to the unresolved territorial conflict of Western Sahara, firmly pitting Morocco against the Polisario Front, supported by Algeria.

Western Sahara, formerly a Spanish colony, is claimed by Morocco as integral to its territory, while the Polisario Front (on the Algerian side) seeks independence for the region. In 1975, after Spain’s withdrawal, Morocco and Mauritania annexed most of the territory, sparking a war with the Polisario Front. A ceasefire was signed with the UN in 1991, but the final status of Western Sahara remains pending, despite mediation attempts and peace talks.

In 2022, tensions between Tunisia and Morocco escalated when Kaïs Saïed invited Brahim Ghali, leader of the Polisario Front, to the Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD). Tensions intensified on April 22 with the Tunisian authorities organizing a tripartite Maghreb meeting (Algeria, Libya, and Tunisia) in Tunis, aimed at forming action groups to address the impact of sub-Saharan clandestine migrations. Discussions also covered political, economic, and social issues.

The Tunisian authorities, while praising the “brotherly and friendly” countries, omitted to invite Morocco and Mauritania to the consultative meetings.

The Algerian diplomacy chief defends these initiatives as addressing the void left by the moribund Arab Maghreb Union (UMA) since 1994. Founded in Marrakech in 1989, Morocco’s ambition was to strengthen political and economic ties among Maghreb countries.

On the Moroccan side, the media accuse Algeria of attempting to sow discord in North Africa, “aimed at making it appear that Algeria is not isolated in its neighborhood.”

On August 20, the Moroccan King Mohammed VI stated in his annual throne speech a “clear message to the world,” affirming that “the Western Sahara issue is the prism through which Morocco views its international environment.”

Due to the unilateral decisions of Kaïs Saïed, the positive neutrality once expressed by Bourguiba regarding the conflict between Algiers and Rabat is now threatened. The supposed alliances of the Tunisian authorities with Polisario figures may one day lead us to be considered enemies of Rabat.

L’article Algiers, Tunis and Rabat: relations soured? est apparu en premier sur mdi-international.