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Trapped by Its Own Model: Algeria at the Edge

Ghazi Ben Ahmed — Sun, 20 Apr 2025 20:53:01 +0000

With Donald Trump’s return to the White House, Arab powers are racing to secure Washington’s favor. From Riyadh to Abu Dhabi, regional giants are pledging massive U.S. investments—$600 billion from Saudi Arabia, $1.4 trillion over a decade from the UAE—targeting AI, semiconductors, and energy. Amid this geopolitical bidding war, Algeria—long known for its cautious, non-aligned foreign policy—has made a series of unexpected moves

After years of resisting deeper ties with the U.S., Algiers abruptly signed a military agreement with AFRICOM and followed it with an energy deal with ExxonMobil. These rapid overtures seem less a strategic pivot than a sign of regime anxiety—an attempt to stay relevant in a new order defined by transactional diplomacy. But unlike the Gulf monarchies, Algeria lacks financial clout or strategic leverage. It remains a regional giant with feet of clay: economically fragile, diplomatically isolated, and increasingly adrift.

At the heart of Algeria’s outreach lies one goal: recalibrating U.S. policy on Western Sahara. Since Morocco normalized ties with Israel, Washington—particularly under the Trump administration—has backed Rabat’s claim over the disputed territory, marginalizing Algeria’s historic support for Sahrawi self-determination. That support was recently reaffirmed on April 8^th, 2025, when U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio visited Rabat and publicly reiterated America’s recognition of Morocco’s sovereignty over the Sahara, marking a further blow to Algeria’s diplomatic posture. While Algiers continues to block the UN-led political process and refuses to engage as a responsible stakeholder, the narrative in Washington is hardening. U.S. Congressman Joe Wilson recently announced, “I will introduce legislation to designate the Polisario as terrorists. Iran & Putin gaining a foothold in Africa via Polisario. Connect the dots: axis of aggression.” This stark framing no longer views the Polisario as a liberation movement, but as a proxy within a broader authoritarian alliance. Algeria is no longer just isolated — it’s exposed. Behind the talk of sovereignty lies a regime openly backing Iran, Russia, and a separatist militia now described in Washington as part of an “axis of aggression.” The mask has fallen.

Officially, Algeria upholds non-interference and peaceful resolution. In practice, it has long aligned with authoritarian regimes—most notably Iran and the now-fallen Syrian regime of Bashar al-Assad. These ties, rooted in anti-Western solidarity and opposition to Gulf influence, have left Algeria increasingly out of step with shifting Arab consensus. Algiers remained one of Assad’s last defenders, facilitating Polisario presence in Syria.

Officially, Algeria upholds non-interference and peaceful resolution. In practice, it has long aligned itself with authoritarian regimes—most notably Iran and the now-fallen Syrian regime of Bashar al-Assad. These ties, rooted in anti-Western solidarity and opposition to Gulf influence, have left Algeria increasingly out of sync with the evolving Arab consensus. Algiers remained one of Assad’s last defenders, facilitating Polisario presence in Syria even as other Arab states distanced themselves. Over the years, Iran has cultivated a wide web of proxies to advance its regional influence. According to The Washington Post, this includes training fighters from the Algeria-backed Polisario Front—nominally focused on Western Sahara, but increasingly embedded in Tehran’s broader militant network. Today, hundreds of these fighters have been detained by Syria’s post-Assad security forces, underscoring just how entangled the Polisario had become in Iran’s shadow wars. This exposure not only further discredits Algeria’s narrative of neutrality, but also reveals the dangerous externalization of a conflict it claims to keep within diplomatic bounds.

Furthermore, maintaining ties with Iran and its alignment with groups like Hamas—while consistent with Algeria’s historical support for Palestine—risks deepening its rift with key Western and Arab partners at a time when strategic neutrality is increasingly difficult to sustain.

With Assad gone and Iran under maximum pressure, Algeria’s authoritarian alliances are crumbling—exposing its strategic vulnerability. Behind its non-interference rhetoric lies a regime that instinctively sides with autocrats, driven by fear of democratic contagion. Since the Arab Spring, Algiers has resisted reform, backing repression over change. Now, as old alliances crumble, it stands increasingly alone—trapped by a model it cannot abandon without threatening the very foundations of its regime.

Meanwhile, regional pressures on Algeria are intensifying. The Sahel is unraveling under successive coups and Russian mercenary influence, Libya remains unstable, and ties with Morocco are frozen over Western Sahara and normalization with Israel. Algeria’s quiet support for Tunisia’s president Kaïs Saïed only adds to its exposure. Once a buffer, Tunisia is now a source of instability—politically repressive, economically paralyzed, and diplomatically shunned.

A collapse could send shockwaves across the border, triggering economic contagion, insecurity, and unrest in Algeria itself, where stagnation, high unemployment, and a disillusioned youth are already testing the regime’s limits.

These mounting pressures are unfolding against a backdrop of economic fragility. Energy remains the backbone of Algeria’s economy—accounting for 98% of exports—but it no longer ensures strategic relevance. As global markets accelerate toward renewables, Algeria failed to seize critical opportunities—particularly during Europe’s pivot away from Russian gas. Years of under-investment, corruption, and mismanagement have stifled production and innovation. Rather than driving transformation, hydrocarbon revenues are increasingly used as a political safety valve—buying social peace in moments of tension, but reinforcing the rentier status quo instead of reforming it.

What Algeria faces today is not a policy crossroads—it is a regime dilemma. Reforming the economy would require dismantling the opaque patronage networks that control the distribution of oil and gas rents. These networks have long shielded the regime from accountability, entrenched elite control, and stifled entrepreneurship. Reform would mean loosening the system’s grip on power. Refusal would accelerate decline.

Algeria is no longer just drifting — it is decaying in plain sight. A regime built on oil rents and military rule is now out of time, out of ideas, and out of allies. It clings to outdated alliances, obstructs diplomatic progress, and resists every pressure to reform — not out of strategy, but out of fear. Fear of accountability. Fear of its own people. But this equilibrium of repression and denial is brittle — and it may not hold much longer. The spark could come any time from within, or it could arrive from across the border. Tunisia’s deepening unrest — political paralysis, social explosion, economic collapse — is unfolding next door, and its aftershocks will not stop at the frontier. The anger swelling in Tunis today mirrors the frustration simmering in Algiers. And when pressure builds in parallel, collapse often comes in waves. Algerians have endured too much for too long. They deserve more than a system built to preserve power — not serve the people.

This article was written by our founder Ghazi Ben Ahmed on the media The Geopolitics.The Geopolitics (TGP) is a uniquely global source of news, analysis and commentary on current geopolitical issues, politics and international relations.

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North Africa’s Solar Ambitions: Successes in Morocco and Egypt, Stalled Progress in Tunisia

Ahmed Lagha — Tue, 13 Aug 2024 06:13:26 +0000

The solar potential of North Africa is exceptional. The most formal proof of this is the realization, in 2016, of the Moroccan solar complex Noor, located in the province of Ouarzazate, in the southeast of the country. Equipped with four technologically different solar power plants and spread over more than 3000 hectares, this solar project aims to increase the share of renewable energy in Morocco’s national electricity mix to more than 52% by 2030. Capable of supplying electricity to more than two million Moroccans, the project has been supported by partners and investors such as the African Development Bank Group, Masen, and the European Union.

On the Egyptian side, it is the Benban Solar Park, located in the Aswan Governorate and commissioned in 2019, that commands admiration! With a maximum capacity of 1650 megawatts peak, the annual production is estimated at 3.8 terawatt-hours. Benban has since become the largest solar installation in the world.

But what is happening on the Tunisian side? Why are the country’s energy ambitions not reaching the goals achieved by its neighbors?

Due to the monopolistic behavior of the Tunisian Electricity and Gas Company (STEG), disagreements between investors, partners, authorities, and local organizations, large-scale solar projects in southern Tunisia are being canceled over time without reaching agreements.

For now, only two solar power plant projects (the Tozeur photovoltaic plant and the Tataouine plant) are operational, but their energy production is not enough to meet the country’s annual energy ambitions.

Indeed, the recent news of the cancellation of a solar power plant project in the city of Gafsa is not a good sign. At odds with the Tunisian authorities, the Franco-Moroccan consortium ENGIE/NAREVA will not build this plant, due to disagreements over the pricing basis for electricity commercialization. The recent spike in solar panel prices and the prices proposed by the Tunisian authorities have made the project unprofitable, according to the same consortium.

Furthermore, other information has reached us that Scatec, the Norwegian energy company entrusted with the construction of another solar power plant project in Tataouine, is finally abandoning the project. The company no longer believes in the economic viability of the project, given “the economic upheavals, post-COVID inflation, and the increase in interest rates by at least 4%.”

The project has therefore been reassigned to an Emirati competitor, but they cannot start work without the approval of the Tunisian parliament, which has been frozen until the crucial date of the next presidential elections on October 6.

Lagging in the race for sustainable development, Tunisia finds itself stalled due to blockages and disagreements.

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Let’s celebrate World Africa Day!

Ahmed Lagha — Sat, 25 May 2024 20:23:35 +0000

On this World Africa Day, let’s celebrate our continent and its unmatched growth potential! Rich in natural resources, endowed with exceptional biodiversity, and energized by a dynamic youth, Africa remains a fertile ground for opportunity.

However, this growth must be supported by a strong commitment to environmental protection. Our unique ecosystems and biodiversity are treasures we must preserve for future generations. Sustainable management of our natural resources is essential to ensure harmonious and respectful development of our planet.

By investing in green technologies, promoting sustainable agricultural practices, and strengthening our conservation policies, we can build a future where prosperity and environmental protection go hand in hand. Together, let’s care for our land, celebrate our riches, and work towards a future where Africa shines as an example of balanced and sustainable growth.

From North Africa to Central and South, let’s celebrate our continent, the cradle of humanity, as it deserves!

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For a fair exchange between an aging Europe and a dynamic Africa

Ghazi Ben Ahmed — Thu, 23 May 2024 03:42:10 +0000

In his speech on April 25th about the European project, French President Emmanuel Macron called for a strategic leap to prevent the decline of Europe. According to Ghazi Ben Ahmed, this leap also requires the implementation of a policy that both controls entries into the EU and opens legal pathways for migration.

Aging population, declining workforce … Because pressing demographic challenges threaten its economic competitiveness and the sustainability of its social protection systems, Europe can no longer afford to ignore the economic and social implications of immigration, especially if it aims to move towards a wartime economy and strategic autonomy.

Neither Laxity Nor Populism

The new European executive, particularly within the Schengen area, must lead the establishment of innovative cooperations and develop policies based on a renewed narrative, without yielding to either laxity or authoritarian populism. The currently proposed models have proven ineffective, as evidenced by the memorandums of understanding that the European Union has signed with Tunisia and Egypt to externalize migration management. These agreements only serve to strengthen authoritarian regimes, disregarding the fate of migrants and the inhumane treatment they often endure.

Similarly, subcontracting agreements like those concluded by the United Kingdom or Italy, which envisage transferring migrants to third countries, often far from their countries of origin, must be reevaluated. These practices, far from solving problems, simply shift responsibilities and exacerbate the ethical issues related to migration. This was highlighted by Emmanuel Macron in his recent speech at the Sorbonne, where he condemned such actions as a “geopolitics of cynicism that betrays our values, builds new dependencies, and will prove totally ineffective.”

A balanced European solution does not involve retreating inward but effectively protecting borders against a massive influx of irregular migrants while scrupulously respecting human rights and promoting legal and chosen migration. It is crucial to implement policies that not only control entries but also simultaneously open legal pathways for migration.

Prioritizing Short-Term Mobility

To open these legal pathways, we could design visas for short-term migration or mobility based on temporary contracts, renewable for five years, allowing migrants to work in Europe for six to nine months per year before returning to their home country and ensuring they can come back the following year. These measures would have the advantage of meeting labor needs in key sectors while allowing migrants to maintain strong ties with their home countries, thus promoting economic development through acquired skills and remittances. Furthermore, such an approach would enhance social cohesion in Europe by reducing tensions and combating negative stereotypes associated with immigration. This implies that African partners also have their share of responsibility and obligations so that everyone benefits.

The challenge, therefore, lies in finding a balance between the demands of the EU and those of its southern neighbors. The new European executive and member states must address both illegal and legal migration. This means, on one hand, humanely treating illegal migrants that southern countries will commit to taking back and, on the other hand, offering southern countries some form of compensation for each legal migrant who comes to live and work in the EU. It is imperative that the EU stops viewing Africa merely as a talent pool to exploit without reciprocation and recognizes the need for close collaboration with this continent to build its strategic autonomy and transform it into a power. Additionally, without active support and renewal, this talent reservoir risks drying up.

Combining Security, Humanity, and Economy

Emmanuel Macron’s call for a “powerful Europe” appears to be a “good impetus”—according to German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, who reacted to Macron’s speech in a tweet—and a rallying cry for a Union aspiring to combine security, humanity, and long-term economic vision. Coincidentally, at the same time, Polish Foreign Minister Radoslaw Sikorski, speaking before the Sejm, the lower house of Parliament, outlined his vision of Poland’s role in the European project in almost identical terms: “The EU has become a geopolitical project. Poland’s role is to support this process.”

Thus, within the Weimar Triangle, a cooperation platform bringing together Poland, France, and Germany, a shared political vision is emerging to strengthen Europe. This strategic vision for a “powerful Europe” calls for a renewal of EU migration policies, which should no longer be merely reactive and security-focused but also proactive, integrated into a comprehensive approach to sustainable development and North-South cooperation. This vital project for Europe will require not only bold proposals—like those put forward by Emmanuel Macron—but also an increased capacity to overcome internal divisions and rethink leadership dynamics within the European Union. In this context, a certainty emerges that the outgoing President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, discredited and seen as an obstacle to this vision, is probably no longer the right leader to carry this ambitious project forward.

Article written by Ghazi Ben Ahmed and translated from French by Jeune Afrique, on 21 May 2024

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Tunisia and Italy: the moment of truth

Ghazi Ben Ahmed — Thu, 18 Apr 2024 10:06:23 +0000

The visit of Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni to Tunis on Wednesday, April 17th, did not bode well. It was her fourth visit to Tunis, and when adding Kais Saied’s two trips to Rome, it marked the sixth meeting between these two since their Faustian pact. The Italian Prime Minister arrived in Tunis with two of her ministers, including her Interior Minister Matteo Piantedosi, to reaffirm the migratory agreement and halt the arrival of migrants to Lampedusa.

This was an effort to show her voters and critics that her agreement is effective. On the other hand, Kais Saied finds himself in a tight spot. His nationalist/electoralist stance risks crumbling: endorsing Meloni’s demands, acting as her coast guard, accepting the return of migrants who passed through Tunisia and deporting them to the southern Tunisian desert in the Bir Al Fatnassya (1) camp contradicts his previous claims that Tunisia “should not serve as Europe’s border guard or a resettlement land for migrants rejected elsewhere (2).” This would also undermine his nationalist rhetoric ahead of the Tunisian presidential elections (if they take place).

Tunisia, Europe’s Border Guard

Due to its strategic location on the Mediterranean, Tunisia finds itself at the heart of the migratory crisis affecting Europe, particularly Italy. The proximity of Tunisian shores to the Italian island of Lampedusa has made coastal cities like Sfax crucial transit points for migrants seeking to reach Europe. Overcrowded and often unsafe boats regularly depart from Tunisian beaches, leading to a continuous stream of human tragedies and humanitarian crises at sea.

Under mounting pressure from the migratory crisis and with crucial European elections approaching for the Italian Prime Minister, a Faustian pact was struck between Giorgia Meloni and Kais Saied. The agreement aimed to prevent migrants from leaving Tunisian shores for Italy in exchange for European financial aid. Thus, European funds intended to stabilize the Tunisian economy and implement necessary economic reforms were diverted to an opaque migration fund that doesn’t address the root causes of migration.

This pact, which serves Italian interests by reducing the migrant flow to its shores, assigns Tunisia the role of Europe’s border guard, a position often criticized both locally and internationally. While the collaboration provides necessary economic support, it raises questions about Tunisia’s sovereignty and the ethics of European migration management practices.

Creating illusions

In the migration negotiations, Giorgia Meloni and Kais Saied opted for a deliberately vague Memorandum of Understanding, seeking to conceal the specific details of its implementation. This opacity was strategic; Saied preferred to avoid a clear understanding of the agreement, particularly that Tunisia would receive financial compensation for taking on the role of Europe’s border guard and for accepting migrants turned away by Italy. This arrangement allowed Saied to minimize internal criticism, avoiding damaging Tunisia’s sovereignty. Meanwhile, Meloni aimed to buy time and maintain the illusion that she could resolve the migration crisis, a key point on her political agenda. This illusion also captivated European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, who considered using this agreement as a model for future deals with other regional countries, strengthening Europe’s periphery as a barrier against illegal immigration.

Thus, Giorgia Meloni and Kais Saied play a duplicitous game. Neither can truly solve the migration crisis. To do so would require stabilizing the Tunisian economy first, and neither Italy has the time and capacity to do so, nor does Tunisia have the vision and ability. So, they settle for a status quo, trying to extract crumbs from the EU, with migrants being tossed around, sometimes under the olive trees in Sfax, sometimes in makeshift boats to Lampedusa.

Meloni excels at this, turning pumpkins into carriages. A training program becomes a strategic cooperation plan under the Mattei plan, and an invitation to the G7 is a poisoned gift for a leader seeking recognition. We sense the strained effort to impress, whether through jokes (mentioning Laurel and Hardy) or grandiose solutions aiming to change the world so that southern peoples can prosper.

Beyond this likely final visit of Meloni to Tunis, what should we remember about this duo with opposing views? On one hand, Meloni with her excessive ambition, not hesitating to deceive partners like Tunisia with dubious strategies or to sacrifice alliances for electoral gain, as she seems to do with the controversial Ursula von der Leyen. On the other hand, Kais Saied, the honest politician dreaming of changing the world, liberating Palestine, and reforming the International Monetary Fund (IMF), lecturing anyone who will listen but ultimately failing to even restore a local pool or national stadium, having to turn to powerful China to bail him out. This is our core problem: we think small! Even with all the power, like Kais Saied, who has defeated powerful organizations and unions, we stagnate. The socio-economic situation neither improves nor worsens. The president is isolated, poorly advised, and as the saying goes, the mind is not a vessel to be filled, but a fire to be kindled.

Tunisians will have to vote again in the upcoming elections, and they will have the choice to re-elect their “honest man” but this time with full knowledge.

In conclusion, like Faust, Kais Saied fails in his pact with Meloni. Presented as a cure-all, this alliance proves ineffective. Only a long-term agreement, within the framework of the EU-Tunisia association agreement, can offer viable and concrete solutions. Everything else is just smoke and mirrors.

(1) According to Romdhane Ben Amor, of the Tunisian Forum for Economic and Social Rights.

(2) Statement by Kaïs Saïed to Gérald Darmanin and Nancy Faeser, the French and German Interior Ministers, 20 June 2023.

Article written by Ghazi Ben Ahmed and translated from French by Business News Tunisia, on 17 April 2024

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Why Meloni-von der Leyen’s Strategy on Migrants is a Colossal Failure

Ghazi Ben Ahmed — Mon, 15 Apr 2024 05:29:27 +0000

This policy of “externalizing” migration controls amounts to directly supporting dictators to do the “dirty work” and becoming the coast guards of the EU in exchange for a disguised rent under the Mattei Plan program, without any consideration for the root causes of migration.

Italy, under the leadership of Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, finds itself once again at the center of a major controversy, demonstrating the spectacular failure of its migration policy with fascist undertones. The recent arrival of over 1,500 undocumented migrants on the small Italian island of Lampedusa, located off the Tunisian coast, in just a day and a half, underscores the magnitude of the ongoing socio-economic and humanitarian crisis. This situation, far from being an isolated case, reveals the deep flaws in a short-term approach advocated by Meloni and funded by the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, concerning the management of migration flows on the eve of the June European elections.

This policy of “externalizing” migration controls amounts to directly supporting dictators to do the “dirty work” and become the coast guards of the EU in exchange for a rent. This strategy, which involves making ad hoc migration agreements with authoritarian regimes in Libya, Tunisia, and Egypt, in hopes of containing the influx of migrants (and sending them a negative signal), is failing miserably. This approach is proving to be a colossal failure, not only from a humanitarian standpoint but also in terms of efficiency and management of European public funds.
Meloni’s visit to Tunis on Wednesday, April 17, with the aim of demanding the Tunisian government to halt the migrant flow at least until the European elections in early June, against a rent disguised as a program under the Mattei Plan (another Meloni farce), highlights the urgency and desperation of the EU facing this crisis. This move, although pragmatic, perfectly illustrates the deadlock in which Europe finds itself thanks to Meloni/von der Leyen: attempting to negotiate agreements with countries whose political and economic stability is precarious, while neglecting the root causes of migration.

The failure of the EU’s policy of externalizing migration controls only exacerbates an already critical crisis, highlighting the absence of a coherent, humane, and effective European migration policy. It is imperative that the EU rethink its approach, emphasizing the protection of human rights, international solidarity, and sustainable development, rather than repressive measures and precarious agreements. The migration crisis is not just a logistical or security challenge; it is primarily a humanitarian crisis that requires a complex and multidimensional response.

In the current context, the debate on migration in Europe is often polarized between two extremes, each with its own shortcomings and consequences for the lives of migrants and the diaspora in regular situations.

On one hand, there is the naivety and inaction of some factions of the left, which, although starting from an intention of openness and solidarity, can sometimes lead to a lack of coherent policy. This gap only worsens the situation of migrants, regularizing their status without offering sustainable or integrated solutions. The lack of targeted actions to effectively integrate migrants into host societies can make their daily life more complex, exacerbating challenges related to employment, education, and social integration. This approach, although well-intentioned, risks creating conditions conducive to marginalization, thus fueling discourse and exploitation by extremists and affecting those who are well-integrated.

On the other hand, the brutality and calls from the far right, for whom the end justifies the means, offer a reductionist and dangerous view of migration management. The policies advocated by these groups are often characterized by border closures, detention, and repulsion of migrants, under the pretext of protecting national identity and security. This approach, far from solving the problems, only worsens the humanitarian crisis, violates human rights, and ignores the root causes of migration, such as conflicts, poverty, and climate change.

Faced with these extremes, the European Union stands at a crossroads. To move forward, it must develop a balanced and pragmatic migration policy, which recognizes both the need to protect migrants’ rights and the security of European citizens. Such a policy should include joint European measures to strengthen cooperation with origin and transit countries, in order to limit irregular migration flows while opening legal avenues for immigration. This requires constructive dialogue and cooperation agreements that go beyond simple financial aid, to address the root causes of migration: improving living conditions, creating economic opportunities, and supporting political and social reforms.
In the face of Russian aggression, the European Union must strengthen its security position and prepare for the transition to a war economy. Effective and strategic management of migration is essential in this context, as it meets the crucial needs for labor in key sectors such as agriculture, industry, services, and even the armed forces. Migrants not only provide the necessary labor to support these vital industries but also help maintain Europe’s economic competitiveness and defense capability.

Investing in the integration of regular migrants is therefore essential. Facilitating their access to education, training, the labor market, and social services will allow effective social inclusion, essential for internal cohesion and stability during periods of geopolitical tension. This rapid and effective integration maximizes not only their economic contribution but also strengthens long-term social resilience.

Furthermore, a proactive migration policy should be seen as a pillar of the EU’s national and economic security strategy. It should not only compensate for demographic decline but also increase economic production in times of crisis. A visionary European migration policy should therefore treat migration as a strategic opportunity to energize cultural diversity, economic growth, and social cohesion, thereby transforming migration challenges into advantages to strengthen the Union’s security and economic posture.

Therefore, it is imperative that the EU reconfigures its perception and management of migration, not as a threat but as a crucial lever in its arsenal for preparing for a war economy and national resilience. This approach will not only strengthen economic security but also Europe’s global stability in an uncertain international context.

Article written by Ghazi Ben Ahmed and translated from Italian by Le Huffington Post Italia, on 13 April 2024

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Italy-Africa Summit 2024: A Facade of Partnership?

Ghazi Ben Ahmed — Sun, 11 Feb 2024 13:49:08 +0000

While Rome is attempting to position itself to serve as a gateway into European markets for natural gas from Africa, the “Mattei Plan” is opaque about what Africa would gain from this plan.

The optimism on display at the Italy-Africa Summit hosted in Rome on January 28-29 by the Italian government, gathering representatives from over 25 countries along with EU leadership, struggled to mask underlying contradictions of the event. Italy, under the leadership of Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, proclaimed its ambition to “work for the development of Africa in a new partnership of equals.” However, this statement appears to oscillate between naive hopes and political cunning, suggesting to some observers that this promise of a “partnership of equals” is deception rather than sincere.

While Rome has ambitions to serve as a gateway into European markets for natural gas from Africa, the “Mattei Plan” is opaque about what Africa’s gains would be in this in terms of development. In such an atmosphere of high-flying promises and the reality of short-term European political and electoral interests, the Italy-Africa Summit could well turn out to be a new chapter in the long story a Europe-Africa relationship where speeches promising equality and partnership often mask imbalanced power dynamics and divergent interests.

On the one side, Italy as led by Meloni and her populist far-right coalition is asserting its desire to contribute to Africa’s progress under the guise of renewed and balanced cooperation. The Italian government’s flagship initiative aims to mobilize 5.5 billion euros for their proposed plan for African development over the next five to seven years by combining Italian cooperation envelopes and the country’s climate change fund—something vehemently contested by Italy’s opposition parties.

Yet these promises are met with skepticism, and a number of African countries are voicing their discontent with what they perceive as European interference or imposition, even as they seek essential financial and economic support. In the eyes of many African leaders, Meloni’s promises ring hollow. For one, Italy developed its plan for Africa without input from African leadership. Furthermore, the funds pledged are not sufficient for providing sustainable, long-term solutions for the many issues facing the continent. Although the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia have shown their support through significant financial commitments, the added value of this summit and the fulfillment of its promises remain uncertain.

The expressed intention to find synergies (and additional funding) with other programs, such as the EU’s Global Gateway, raises questions about the viability and sincerity of the commitments made in a context where intentions and tangible results appear more than uncertain. Also, energy needs are ostentatiously at the center of the initiative as the prominent role of Italy’s energy giant ENI in the plan clearly demonstrates.

Combating the root causes of migration remains central

Another European actor—Germany—had previously explored a similar approach and ultimately rejected it due to its failure to achieve the expected results. Berlin sought to develop a new policy towards Africa independent of the EU or France–given France’s poor reputation as a former colonial power. In this bid to renew ties with Africa, Germany assured African partners that it had observed the mistakes made by the French, and that Berlin would apply a rational, methodological approach to its policy while avoiding paternalistic interference.

Germany’s ambition at the time was just as “commendable” in form as that carried by Meloni today in that it advocated the end of the era of conventional development aid and favored the orientation of private investments towards the support of renewable energies and environmental preservation. Nevertheless, the migration crisis constitutes the persistent backdrop of these approaches, and Germany aspired to establish a new type of cooperation capable of retaining young potential emigrants in their home countries. Thus, to a large extent, to stem the migration flow, the German government articulated its new African strategy, primarily encouraging German companies to invest in Africa. But as is the case with Italy, stemming the flow of migrants to Europe was the ultimate driver behind Germany’s cooperation with Africa. And like the proposed Mattei Plan, this single-minded focus of the migration crisis prevented a comprehensive, multi-dimensional approach that could address the underlying issues driving emigration from Africa.

It appears that Meloni’s government has failed to understand this lesson, continuing to prioritize migration over other issues. A controversial migration agreement between Italy and Libya has been automatically renewed for three years amid warnings by humanitarian organizations that this might make Rome and the European Union complicit in crimes against humanity.

The Memorandum of Understanding on Migration – signed on February 2, 2017, to provide Libyan authorities with financial and technical support to “combat illegal immigration” – was automatically renewed for a second time in 2022.

Geopolitical context conducive to renewal

Times are changing, and the international context is no longer conducive to unproductive quarrels and symbolic gestures. The current German government seems to have now understood that a paradigm shift is needed in Europe-African relations. In a recent statement, German Minister for Economic Cooperation and Development, Svenja Schulze (SPD), presented a revised German strategy for the African continent, saying that “Africa is growing and changing enormously. Its evolution will shape the 21st century – and thus also the future of Germany and Europe.” This new strategic direction signals Germany’s intent to ingratiate itself into broader EU initiatives vis-à-vis Africa rather than pursue an independent path. This shift also marks a willingness to radically transform the relations between Europe and Africa by transcending the colonial legacy and addressing the historical imbalance of power between the continents.

In fact, if EU leaders who attended Meloni’s summit in Rome are sincere in their interest in Africa—and not just seeking visibility and publicity ahead of the European election—they should emulate Germany’s strategic readjustment and focus on adjusting power imbalances between the two continents.

Europeans must recognize that over-reliance on historical and geographical ties, supposed to confer an advantage against competitors such as China, India, or Turkey, represents a strategic misinterpretation of the current state of Europe-Africa relations. Indeed, several African countries have established significant ties not only with China and Turkey but also, surprisingly after the war in Ukraine, in the field of military cooperation with Russia. The hesitation of many African countries to clearly position themselves in a conflict with such evident moral stakes has shocked the common sense of many in the West, but it should be a wakeup call that African countries do not feel like they must automatically support Europe.

And if Europe’s objective is to really favor Africa’s sustainable and long-term development, it needs to move beyond the rhetoric of hydrocarbons, which even the “Mattei Plan” name—in honor of the founder of Italy’s major oil company Eni—embodies. To become a real strategic partner to the African continent, as expert Lorella Stella Martini of Ecco think tank indicated, Europe needs to focus on the opportunities presented by the green development and the energy transition, which in addition would be more in line with its own European Green Deal.

Africa needs to find its own alliances

Today, many African countries seek to break free from their traditional role in the global politics and adopt a proactive stance. States now wish to choose their partners autonomously without being drawn into alliances dictated by others. The criticisms from the Tunisian Foreign Ministry, which accuses the European Community of suffering “from a feeling of superiority and thinks that it is a model to follow while in reality, it is a minority” should be understood in this context. Although this sentiment might be shared by many in the region, it is time to move beyond such unproductive statements and see Europe for what it is, a chance and an opportunity for the development of the continent and to face global challenges together. As the Malian writer Amadou Hampâté Bâ so aptly said, “Partnerships between nations should not be mirrors reflecting the asymmetries of the past but windows open to the possibilities of a shared future.”

And there is much room for envisioning this shared future—the destinies of Europe and Africa are inextricably intertwined. Currently, the European Union positions itself as Africa’s main commercial partner, concentrating more than 30 percent of the continent’s external trade exchanges. Meanwhile Europe, in its quest for energy diversification, needs Africa for its natural gas supply. With the announcement of the imminent exploitation of vast gas fields off the west coast of Africa, including reserves estimated at 2.83 trillion cubic meters between Senegal and Mauritania, Africa is emerging as a key player in this sector. Algeria, ranked the tenth largest gas producer in the world, along with Nigeria, Angola, Egypt, and Libya, could become essential pivots to reduce European dependence on Russian gas.

However, the success of this strategy requires reciprocal collaboration. Africa must tackle corruption and poor governance that persist on the continent—scourges long neglected, and in some cases even exploited, by Western countries. For its part, Europe must recognize and support Africa’s rising influence on the world stage by aligning its actions with African priorities without compromising on the values that underpin it: respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law, and respect for human rights, including those of minorities.

This dynamic can only flourish through the harmonious commitment of EU member states, a sine qua non condition for synergy with the overall visions of the European Commission. Any unilateral strategy of a member state, primarily focused on managing immigration in its African policy, is inherently doomed to failure. This was notably manifested with the Memorandum of Understanding on Migration, spearheaded by the Italian Prime Minister. When they started negotiating the details for the implementation of an anti-migration policy, Tunisia backtracked, saying that it cannot serve as the EU’s coastguard.

There is reason to fear that the Mattei Plan is merely an extension of this memorandum, turning African leaders gathered in Rome into mere coast guards for the EU in exchange for a few micro-projects in renewable energies, or even gas. Such an orientation not only risks undermining the depth and richness of Euro-African relations but also reduces African heads of state to peripheral roles, far from the balanced and mutually beneficial cooperation that should characterize the ties between the two continents. Moreover, such a deal raises grave concerns for human rights violations, as Italian authorities are fully aware that the tools they are potentially providing will be instrumental to more human rights violations in Libya and in Tunisia. The Memorandum of Understanding on Migration – signed on February 2, 2017, to provide Libyan authorities with financial and technical support to “combat illegal immigration” – was automatically renewed for a second time in 2022. This renewal occurred amid warnings by humanitarian organizations that this might make Rome and the European Union complicit in crimes against humanity.

Implementation of the Mattei Plan legitimizes Meloni’s racist anti-immigration policy and whitewashes the thousands of migrants deported to the Libyan desert, where they are vulnerable to extortion, abuse, and murder.

Africa must not be reduced to a role of detention zone for Italy. For many African observers, right now the Mattei plan looks increasingly like a proposal with fascist undertones where Giorgia Meloni would recklessly pump African gas and carelessly deport migrants.

Article co-authored by Andrea Cellino (Head of North Africa at Middle East Institute Switzerland) and Ghazi Ben Ahmed, (President and Founder of Mediterranean Development Initiative) for the Fikra Forum platform, 9 February 2024

L’article Italy-Africa Summit 2024: A Facade of Partnership? est apparu en premier sur mdi-international.

The Mattei Plan, a façade partnership conditioned by Meloni’s electoral interests

Ghazi Ben Ahmed — Sun, 11 Feb 2024 13:31:48 +0000

While Rome aspires to serve as a gateway to European markets for natural gas extracted from Africa, the project is opaque about which African countries will be rewarded in terms of development. In an atmosphere of spellbinding promises that clash with the reality of European political and electoral interests.

Facade optimism barely conceals the contradictions at the Italy-Africa Summit hosted in Rome on 28-29 January by the Italian government, which brought together representatives from over 25 countries and the EU leadership. Italy, led by Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, proclaimed its ambition to work for Africa’s development with a programme of ‘cooperation among equals, far from any predation or charity towards Africa’.

However, this assertion seems to oscillate between naïve hopes and political astuteness, badly concealing an obvious misunderstanding. On the one hand, Italy, with Meloni and her populist far-right coalition, affirms its desire to contribute to Africa’s progress through a model of renewed and balanced cooperation. On the other, African countries express their discontent with what they perceive as European interference or imposition, while seeking essential financial aid and investment.

The Italian government’s flagship initiative to mobilise EUR 5.5 billion (combining funding from cooperation and the Climate Fund – an aspect strongly contested by the Italian opposition) for African development over five to seven years is met with scepticism by African countries. Although the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia are ready to give substantial support to the plan, the added value of this summit and the realisation of its promises remain uncertain. The expressed intention to find additional funding and synergies with other programmes, such as the EU’s Global Gateway, raises questions about the feasibility and sincerity of the commitments made, in a context where tangible results seem more than uncertain compared to intentions. Moreover, energy interests are brazenly at the heart of the initiative, as evidenced by the prominent role of Italian energy giant ENI in the plan, named after its founder Enrico Mattei.

While Rome aspires to serve as a gateway to European markets for natural gas extracted from Africa, the ‘Mattei Plan’ is opaque about what African countries will actually be paid in terms of development. In an atmosphere of spellbinding promises that clash with the reality of short-term European political and electoral interests, the Italy-Africa Summit could turn out to be a new chapter in the long history of deception between Europe and Africa, where discourses of equality and partnership often hide unbalanced power dynamics and diverging interests.

Combating the root causes of migration remains central

It should be remembered that another European actor had previously explored a similar approach without reaping the expected benefits: Germany. Indeed, Berlin had committed itself to developing an African policy aimed at renewing its ties with African nations, seeking to distance itself from France, burdened by its reputation as a former colonial power. “Germany reassures.” He declared: ‘It is very rational and not paternalistic. Germany benefits from the mistakes made by the French and adapts its cooperation with African countries. The Germans have organisation and methodology to work with’.

ermany’s ambition at the time, just as ‘laudable’ in form as Meloni’s today, advocated an end to the era of conventional development cooperation, favouring the orientation of private investment towards supporting renewable energy and environmental conservation.

However, then as now, the migration crisis is the constant backdrop to these approaches. Germany aspired to establish a new type of cooperation capable of retaining young potential emigrants in their home countries. Therefore, to a large extent to stem the flow of migration, the German government had articulated its own new African strategy, mainly encouraging German companies to invest in Africa.

A changing geopolitical context

But times are changing. The international context is no longer conducive to sterile rivalries between European partners. And the current German government seems to have realised this. “Africa is growing and changing enormously. Its evolution will shape the 21st century – and thus also the future of Germany and Europe.” These are the words with which the German Minister for Economic Cooperation and Development, Svenja Schulze (SPD), presented the new German strategy for the African continent. This new strategic direction marks the will to radically transform, in form and substance, the relationship between Europe and Africa.

The aim is to overcome the colonial legacy and adjust the historical imbalance of power between the continents. But to focus this policy on the role of EU institutions. Indeed, if the EU leaders present at Meloni’s summit in Rome were sincere in their interest in Africa (and not just seeking visibility and publicity in the run-up to the European elections), they should reflect Germany’s strategic direction aimed at redressing the power imbalance between the two continents.

Unfortunately, so far von der Leyen, Michel and Metsola have indicated a total lack of operational and financial commitment to Italian policies, beyond their presence and the political rhetoric displayed in Rome. Europeans must admit that relying solely on historical and geographical ties, supposedly conferring an advantage over competitors such as China, India or Turkey, is a strategic misreading. In fact, several African countries have established significant ties not only with China and Turkey but also, surprisingly despite the war in Ukraine, in the field of military cooperation with Russia.

The hesitation of many African countries to take a clear position on a conflict that has such a high moral value for Europe has hurt the sensitivities of many in the West.

But if Europe’s goal is really to foster Africa’s long-term and sustainable development, it is necessary to go beyond the hydrocarbon rhetoric that even the name ‘Mattei Plan’ embodies.

To become a true strategic partner of the African continent, as pointed out by expert Lorella Stella Martini of the think tank Ecco, Europe must focus on the opportunities presented by green development and energy transition, which would also be more in line with its own European Green Deal.

Africa must find its own alliances

Today, Africa seeks to break free from a past conditioned by Europe and adopt a more enterprising stance. The countries of the continent want to choose their own partners, without being caged into alliances dictated by others, and make choices according to their own interests. It is in this context that the criticism of the Tunisian Foreign Minister should be understood when he accuses the European Union of suffering from “a feeling of superiority”: “it thinks it is a model to be followed, while in reality it is a minority”. But African countries want to go beyond these sterile rivalries and see Europe’s role for what it is, a chance and an opportunity for the continent’s development and to face global challenges together. Everything else is chimera.

As the Malian writer Amadou Hampâté Bâ put it so well: “Partnerships between nations should not be mirrors reflecting the asymmetries of the past, but open windows on the possibilities of a shared future.” The destinies of Europe and Africa are inextricably intertwined. Currently, the European Union is positioned as Africa’s largest trading partner, accounting for more than 30 per cent of the continent’s external trade. Europe, in its quest for energy diversification, needs Africa for its natural gas supply.

With the announcement of the imminent exploitation of vast gas fields off the west coast of Africa, including reserves estimated at 2.83 trillion cubic metres between Senegal and Mauritania, Africa is emerging as a key player. Algeria, the world’s tenth largest gas producer, together with Nigeria, Angola, Egypt and Libya, holders of rich gas fields, could become essential pivots in reducing European dependence on Russian gas. However, the success of this strategy requires true mutual cooperation.

Africa must fight corruption and inefficient governance, long neglected (and sometimes even exploited by Western countries) scourges that persist on the continent. For its part, Europe must recognise and support Africa’s growing influence on the world stage by aligning its actions with African priorities without compromising its underlying values: respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and respect for human rights, including those of minorities. This dynamic can only flourish through the harmonious engagement of EU member states, a sine qua non for synergy with the overall visions of the European Commission. Any unilateral strategy of a member state, especially if it focuses on migration management in its African policy, is inherently doomed to failure. This was particularly highlighted by the migration memorandum between the EU and Tunisia, promoted by the Italian prime minister last summer.

There is reason to fear that the Mattei Plan is simply an extension of this memorandum, with the aim of turning African leaders meeting in Rome into mere coastguards for the EU in exchange for a few micro-projects in the field of renewable energy, or even gas. Such an orientation not only risks undermining the depth and richness of Euro-African relations but also reducing African heads of state to peripheral roles, far removed from the balanced and mutually beneficial cooperation that should characterise the ties between the two continents. Not to mention that the presence of African leaders in Rome seems to want to legitimise Giorgia Meloni’s racist anti-immigration policy and conceal the tragedy of the thousands of migrants deported to the Libyan desert, victims of abuse and murder. In short, Africa must not be reduced to the role of a detention zone for Italy, where under a leadership with fascist reminiscences, Giorgia Meloni’s government will simply extract African gas and carelessly deport migrants in a vain attempt to eliminate the factors that attract them to Europe.

Article written by Ghazi Ben Ahmed and translated from Italian by Le Huffington Post Italia, on 6 February 2024

L’article The Mattei Plan, a façade partnership conditioned by Meloni’s electoral interests est apparu en premier sur mdi-international.